At last, the missing piece that links the viral hatred towards the Jews permeating the Arab world today with that of Arab and Nazi anti Semitism of 1933.
Jeffrey Herf’s book, “Nazi Propaganda for the Arab World” reveals the hidden history of the relationships and shared values between the Nazis and the Arabs in the 1930’s and 1940’s.
The end of WWII did not bring an end to the anti-Jewish policies of the Nazi regime. It was successfully passed on to the Arabs and other Muslim Nations….by the Nazis themselves, who encouraged, trained and financed the Arab effort to kill Jews.
Herf meticulously illustrates how the Nazi regime spread its diabolical ideology throughout the Muslim world and confirms that the Arabs conspired with the Nazis to kill all the Jews.
Nazi Propaganda for the Arab World
by Jeffrey Herf
Yale University Press, 2009
Reviewed by Daniel Pipes
The impact of National Socialism in the Middle East used to appear brief and superficial. Unlike with Communism, whose local parties and outside influence through the Soviet bloc lasted over many decades, the Nazis’ moment lasted about six years, 1939-45, and they had little regional presence beyond Rommel’s armies in North Africa and a fleeting pro-Nazi regime in Iraq.
But two powerful, important books have set the record straight.Djihad und Judenhass (2002) by Matthias Küntzel, translated into English in 2007 as Jihad and Jew-Hatred: Islamism, Nazism and the Roots of 9/11, shows the continuing influence of Nazi ideas on Islamists. Nazi Propaganda for the Arab World by Jeffrey Herf focuses on an earlier time, the 1930s-40s, and the major effort by Hitler and his minions to transmit their ideas to the Middle East. After reading Küntzel and Herf, I realize that my education about the modern Middle East was lacking a vital ingredient, the Nazi one.
A specialist in modern German history at the University of Maryland, Herf brings a new corpus of information to light: summary accounts of Nazi shortwave radio broadcasts in the Arabic language that were generated over three years by the U.S. embassy in Cairo. This cache reveals fully, for the first time, what Berlin told the Arabs (and to a lesser extent, the Iranians). As page after page of Nazi Propaganda for the Arab World establishes in mind-numbing but necessary detail, the Germans above all pursued two themes: stopping Zionism and promoting Islamism. Each deserves close consideration.
Nazi propaganda in Arabic portrayed World War II, history’s largest and most destructive war, as focused primarily on the sliver of land between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River. This interpretation both flattered Arabs and extended Hitler’s grand theory that Jews wanted to take over the Arab countries and eventually the whole world, that the Allied powers were but pawns in this Zionist conspiracy, and that Germany was leading the resistance to them.
Palestine was the key, according to these broadcasts. If Zionists took it over, they would “control the three continents: Europe, Asia, and Africa. Thus they will be able to rule the whole world and spread Jewish capitalism.” Such an eventuality would lead to Arabs oppressed and Islam defunct. “Should Bolshevism and Democracy be victorious,” announced Nazi radio, “the Arabs will be dominated forever and all traces of Islam will be wiped out.” To avoid this fate, Arabs had to join with the Axis.
As the war progressed, Berlin’s incitement became ever more furious. “You must kill the Jews before they open fire on you. Kill the Jews” went a July 1942 broadcast. Herf notes the bitter irony: “At this moment of complete Jewish powerlessness, the Arabic broadcasts from Berlin skillfully adapted the general Nazi propaganda line about Jewish domination of the anti-Hitler coalition to a radical Arab and Islamic view.”
At the same time, the Nazi regime developed an approach to Muslims that largely ignored the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, Mein Kampf, and other European sources in favor of selected passages from the Koran.
Hitler’s propagandists assured Muslims, first, that Axis countries “respect the Koran, sanctify the mosques, and glorify the prophet of Islam.” It cited the respectful work of German Orientalists as an important sign of goodwill. Second, it argued for what Heinrich Himmler called the “shared goals and shared ideals” of Islam and National Socialism. These included monotheism, piety, obedience, discipline, self-sacrifice, courage, honor, generosity, community, unity, anti-capitalism, and a celebration of labor and warfare.
In addition, Muslims were told that they and the Nazis were purportedly both fighting a “great struggle for freedom” against the British, the most important colonial power in the Middle East. The regime drew a parallel between Muhammad and Hitler and presented the umma as roughly analogous to its own notion of a totalitarian Volksgemeinschaft (“people’s community”).
Nazis portrayed Islam as an ally and, accordingly, called for its revival while urging Muslims to act piously and emulate Muhammad. Radio Berlin in Arabic went so far as to declare “Allahu akbar! Glory to the Arabs, Glory to Islam.” The Germans held that Muslims who were not righteous enough (i.e., not following the Nazi ideological model) were causing the umma to languish: “Muslims, you are now backward because you have not shown God the proper piety and do not fear him.” And not just backward, but also “invaded by merciless tyrants.” Specifically for Shi’ites, the Nazis hinted at Hitler being the awaited Twelfth Imam or the Muslim eschatological figure of Jesus, who will fight the anti-Christ (namely, the Jews) and bring on the end of days.
The Nazis noted the parallel between sayings from the Koran (Sura 5:82, “You will meet no greater enemy of the believers than the Jews”) and the words of Hitler (“By resisting the Jews everywhere, I am fighting for the Lord’s work”) and turned the Koran into an anti-Semitic tract whose primary purpose was to call for eternal hatred of Jews. They even falsely claimed that Muhammad ordered Muslims to fight the Jews “until they are extinct.”
In the Nazi telling, Jewish-Muslim enmity dated back to the 7th century. “Since the days of Mohamed, the Jews have been hostile to Islam” went one broadcast. “Every Moslem knows that Jewish animosity to the Arabs dates back to the dawn of Islam” declared another. “Enmity has always existed between Arab and Jew since ancient times” insisted a third. The Nazis built on this premise to establish the basis for a Final Solution in the Middle East, instructing Arabs to “make every effort possible so that not a single Jew … remains in Arab countries.”
Herf emphasizes the remarkable symbiosis of German and Middle Eastern elements: “As a result of their shared passions and interests, they produced texts and broadcasts that each group could not have produced on its own.” Specifically, Arabs learned “the finer points of anti-Semitic conspiracy thinking,” while Nazis learned the value of focusing on Palestine. He describes the coming together of Nazi and Islamic themes in Berlin as “one of the most important cultural exchanges of the twentieth century.”
Having detailed Nazi propaganda in Arabic, Herf then traces its impact. He begins by documenting the great energy and expense devoted to these messages—the quality of the personnel devoted to it, their high-level Nazi patronage, the thousands of hours of radio transmissions, and the millions of pamphlets.
He then rounds up assessments of the Axis impact, all pointing to its success. Allied estimates from 1942, for example, found that “the people were saturated with Axis talk,” that “upwards of three-fourths of the Moslem world are in favor of the Axis” and that “90% of the Egyptians, including their government, believe that the Jews are mainly responsible for shortages and high prices of essentials.” A report from 1944 found that “practically all Arabs who have radios … listen to Berlin.”
Allied reluctance to contradict Nazi propaganda also points to Axis success. Fearful of alienating Middle Easterners, the Allies stayed humiliatingly silent about the genocide taking place against the Jews; failed to refute allegations about Jews dominating London, Washington, and Moscow; did not dispute the distorted Koranic interpretations; and shied away from endorsing Zionism. Merely to dispute Nazi accusations, the Allies worried, would only confirm Nazi claims about Britain, America, and Russia being stooges of Jewish power. An internal U.S. directive in late 1942 acknowledged that “the subject of Zionist aspirations cannot be mentioned, inasmuch as … [this] would jeopardize our strategy in the Eastern Mediterranean.”
Thus, when two leading U.S. senators, Robert Taft of Ohio and Robert Wagner of New York, proposed a resolution in 1944 endorsing a Jewish national home in Palestine, Berlin radio in Arabic called this an attempt “to erase Islamic civilization” and “to eradicate the Koran.” Panicked, the entire weight of the Executive Branch came down on the senators, who felt compelled to withdraw their resolution. Clearly, Nazi offerings resonated deeply in the Middle East.
They continued to do well after the Nazi collapse and the war’s conclusion. The defeat of Nazi General Erwin Rommel’s aggressive push into North Africa meant that Nazi ambitions in the Middle East, in particular the Final Solution to annihilate its million or so Jews, were never implemented. But years of hate from radio and pamphlets and the repetitive, grotesque, ambitious, anti-Semitic, and Islam-based message detailed by Herf had taken root. Not only did the Middle East’s Nazis emerge nearly invulnerable to prosecution, but they also prospered and were feted. An example: in 1946, Hasan al-Banna, founder of the Muslim Brethren, lavished praise on Hitler’s favorite Arab, Haj Amin el-Husseini, calling him “a hero … a miracle of a man.” Banna added for good measure: “Germany and Hitler are gone, but Amin el-Husseini will continue the struggle.” Acknowledging el-Husseini’s exalted status, a British officer in 1948 described him as “the one hero in the Arab world.”
Ideas the Nazis spread in the Middle East have had an enduring twofold legacy. First, as in Europe, they built on existing prejudices against Jews to transform that prejudice into something far more paranoid, aggressive, and murderous. One U.S. intelligence report from 1944 estimated that anti-Jewish materials constituted fully half of German propaganda directed to the Middle East. The Nazis saw virtually all developments in the region through the Jewish prism and exported this obsession.
The fruits of this effort are seen not only in decades of furious Muslim anti-Zionism, personified by Arafat and Ahmadinejad, but also in the persecution of ancient Jewish communities in countries like Egypt and Iraq, which have now shriveled to near-extinction, plus the employment of Nazis such as Johann van Leers and Aloïs Brunner in important government positions. Thus did the Nazi legacy oppress Jewry in the Middle East post-1945.
Second, Islamism took on a Nazi quality. As someone who has criticized the term Islamofascism on the grounds that it gratuitously conflates two distinct phenomena, I have to report that Herf’s evidence now leads me to acknowledge deep fascist influences on Islamism. This includes the Islamist hatred of democracy and liberalism and its contempt for multiple political parties, preference for unity over division, cult of youth and militarism, authoritarian moralism, cultural repression, and illiberal economics.
Beyond specifics, that influence extends to what Herf calls an “ability to introduce a radical message in ways that resonated with, yet deepened and radicalized, already existing sentiments.” Although a scholar of Europe by training, Herf’s detective work in the U.S. archives has opened a new vista on the Arab-Israeli conflict and Islamism, as well as made a landmark contribution more broadly to an understanding of the modern Middle East.
Palestine’s Self-Inflicted Catastrophe
When it comes to the birth of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the Palestinian narrative has become the most widely repeated version of events: After World War I, Jews began immigrating to areas within Britain’s Mandate of Palestine with the Zionist dream of building a Jewish state. Jewish immigration dramatically increased at the end of World War II as a result of collective European guilt in the aftermath of the Holocaust. The Jews eventually established Israel as their illegal state after evicting the Arab population and plundering the Palestinian people and their homeland with the help of colonialist Europe. Israel’s independence is known in Arabic as the Nakba—the great catastrophe—and it created the Palestinian refugee problem, the biggest obstacle to solving the conflict today.
Enter Efraim Karsh, head of Mediterranean Studies at King’s College London, and his latest book, Palestine Betrayed. A preeminent historian on the Arab-Israeli conflict, Karsh sets out “to reclaim the historical truth” behind Israel’s creation. In doing so, he tests such Palestinian narratives and the conclusions of the “new historians”—revisionists such as Avi Shlaim, Ilan Pappe, and the early Benny Morris who in the 1980s rose to challenge the established narrative of Israel’s birth.
Karsh sets the record straight by drawing on Western, United Nations, Israeli, and Soviet documents declassified over the last decade, providing the correct context often missing in the selective focus of the “new historians” and altogether absent in the Palestinian narrative. His detailed examination of the historical records reveals that Israel’s establishment was not the main cause of the Palestinian refugee problem and the hardships that the population has faced thereafter. Instead, it was the result of actions taken by the Palestinian Arabs and their leaders.
Anger instigated by Arab leaders is the foremost recurring theme in Palestine Betrayed, and Karsh holds the mufti of Jerusalem, Hajj Amin Husseini, responsible for the deterioration of neighborly relations between the Arabs and Jews during the Mandate period, and for the eventual “collapse and dispersion of Palestinian Arab society.”
Hajj Amin, known for his pan-Arab ambitions, “viewed the Palestinians not as a distinct people deserving statehood but as an integral part of a single Arab nation”—with himself as leader, and clean of Jews. To this end, Hajj Amin, an admirer and supporter of Adolf Hitler’s Nazi Germany, launched a campaign to demolish the Jewish national revival by enraging his constituents with all the anti-Jewish rhetoric he could find, from verses in the Quran to The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.
But the Mufti was not alone in his aspirations to control Palestine at the expense of its inhabitants. It was Transjordanian King Abdullah’s “imperial ambitions” that eventually forced the newly formed Arab states to invade the day-old Israel in 1948 “not to save the Palestinian Arabs but to prevent the annexation of Palestine, in whole or in part, to Transjordan.” Karsh astutely points out that the Arab invasion following Israel’s independence “was more of a scramble for Palestine than an attempt to secure Palestinian national rights.”
However, instead of consolidating Arab rule over Palestine, “The 1948 war resulted in the total disintegration of Palestinian Arab society.” By the end of the Mandate in May 1948, some 340,000 Arabs had fled Palestine; by January 1949, that number swelled to 600,000—a direct result of Arab leaders’ coercion and invasion.
Indeed, the Mufti and heads of surrounding Arab countries were largely responsible for the flight of the Palestinian Arabs—a highly controversial point that Karsh proves remarkably well with a substantial body of sourced material and quotations from key British, Jewish, and Arab eyewitnesses. While there were instances in which Jewish forces expelled Arab villagers in the heat of battle, in most cases, Arab leaders and their armed militias forcefully drove the Palestinian Arabs from their homes, at first to use the houses as military bases and then to prevent them from becoming citizens of a prospective Jewish state. Many others fled of their own free will as the wartime security situation deteriorated.
At the heart of Palestine Betrayed, Karsh argues that the Palestinian people were—and still are—betrayed by their very own leaders who promised to act with their best interests in mind but instead acted on personal ambitions. Never relinquishing their dreams of a pan-Arab empire under their homage, each leader refused to establish peaceful relations with the Jews, condemning the Palestinian people to decades of war and statelessness.
“Had the Mufti chosen to lead his people to peace and reconciliation with their Jewish neighbors,” Karsh writes, “the Palestinians would have had their independent state” in accordance with the 1947 UN Partition Plan for Palestine, which the Jews accepted and Palestine’s Arab leaders did not.
The same applied to Yassir Arafat in the late 1990s and early 2000s, when he chose to pocket internatiional aid and create terrorist networks rather than infrastructure necessary for an independent state. The same now applies to Mahmoud Abbas who refuses to accept Israel’s ‘Jewishness’ in a peace agreement but insists that Israel fully implement the right of return, “the Palestinian and Arab euphemism for Israel’s destruction.”
Palestine Betrayed is an extraordinarily well-documented account of the events leading up to Israel’s creation. It is the antidote to revisionist historians whose narrative casts the Palestinians as passive players in the conflict with no responsibility for their actions. The contexts of war and inter-Arab rivalry are the key components to understanding how events played out. At the same time, Karsh’s work demonstrates that Palestinian mythology continues to hinder all attempts at solving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Indeed, the notion that Israel is solely responsible for creating the Palestinian refugee encourages Palestinian leaders and society to cling to the erroneous belief that Israel will welcome each refugee into the state as part of a peace deal. And as long as this remains a Palestinian redline, there is no hope for ending the conflict.
Middle East Quarterly
How Anti-Semitism Prevents Peace
by David Patterson
Despite the obsessive preoccupation with Israeli building activities in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, the greatest obstacle to peace between the Israelis and the Palestinians is almost never mentioned in media accounts: virulent, jihadist hatred of Jews. Contrary to what many assume, however, jihadism in its current form is not a throwback to some medieval mindset but a confluence of traditional Islamic teachings and the anti-Semitism and extermination goals of Nazism.
Without understanding how the latter has influenced the former, it would be difficult to identify how modern jihadists find a basis for some of their pronouncements. For example, a faithful Muslim could arguably support a Jewish presence in historic Palestine since the Qur’an designates the Land of Israel as a dwelling place for the Jews, to which they will be returned as the last days approach. Clearly this viewpoint runs counter to the jihadists’ agenda as well as their rhetoric. But it is through their rhetoric that the deadly adaptation of Nazi views surrounding an Islamic core is seen most clearly.
Sources of Inspiration
The Jerusalem mufti Hajj Amin Husseini (left, with Adolf Hitler, Berlin, November 28, 1941), leader of the Palestinian Arabs from the early 1920s to the 1940s, was a rabid Jew-hater who mixed Islam’s millennial disparagement of Jews with modern themes of European anti-Semitism (notably The Protocols of the Elders of Zion) in indoctrinating his subjects.
Muslim Brotherhood founder Hassan al-Banna (1906-49) said he learned a great deal from the Nazis about the effectiveness of propaganda in spreading hatred of Jews. Hitler himself makes two basic points in this connection: (1) “something of the most insolent lie will always remain and stick,” and (2) the aim of propaganda is not to inform but to incite “wrathful hatred.” Hence, like the Nazis, modern jihadists, who derive much of their inspiration from the writings of Banna and others of the Brotherhood, often invoke such discredited works as The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, an anti-Semitic tract fabricated by the Russian secret police at the turn of the twentieth century, as evidence of a world Zionist conspiracy. They have resurrected the medieval blood libel and have accused the Jews of every evil, from spreading cancer to dispensing aphrodisiacs to Muslim women. When jihadists are not busy denying the Holocaust, they take their cue from Hitler and blame the Jews for the outbreak of World War II and its bloody consequences. Thus, for example, Palestinian Authority (PA) president Mahmoud Abbas argued in his book, The Other Side: The Secret Relationship between Nazism and the Zionist Movement, that less than a million Jews had been killed in the Holocaust and that the Zionist movement was a partner in the mass slaughter of the Jews.
Alfred Rosenberg, perhaps the Nazis’ most influential ideologue after Hitler, argued that Jews must be annihilated because the Aryan race had been “poisoned by Judaism” and not merely by Jewish blood: The essence of Jewish evil, he maintained, found its expression in Judaism, and both the “ism” and the essence were in the blood. All Jews, thus, were essentially evil and must, therefore, be eliminated. Such notions are echoed by Sayyid Qutb, the most influential of the modern jihadist ideologues after Banna, who held that “Jews were by nature determined to fight God’s truth and sow corruption and confusion,” and that “the deeper cause of the Jewish hatred of Islam was the malevolent Jewish nature.”
As with the Nazis, the jihadists’ aim is to eliminate this source of evil that threatens all of humanity. “Jihad and Jew-hatred belong together,” German academic Matthias Küntzel correctly observes. What drives this hatred is not the Jewish presence in the Middle East—it is the Jewish presence in the world. A televised diatribe delivered by the Egyptian cleric Muhammad Hussein Yaqub epitomized the jihadists’ ideological position:
If the Jews left Palestine to us, would we start loving them? Of course not. … They are enemies not because they occupied Palestine. They would have been enemies even if they did not occupy a thing. … Our fighting with the Jews is eternal, and it will not end until the final battle … until not a single Jew remains on the face of the earth.
The jihadist invocation of God to justify the murder of Jews echoes the inscription on the belt buckles of the Nazi SS: Gott Mit Uns—”God [is] with us.” Hatred of the Jew is a holy hatred, pleasing to God and incumbent upon the pious Muslim or the loyal Nazi. Both groups portray their struggle as adhering to God’s will but in effect take on the role of substituting for God. It is no coincidence that the charter of Hamas, the Palestinian branch of the Muslim Brotherhood, is called the “Charter of Allah”: Hamas is Allah.
Like the Nazis, the Islamist jihadists have formulated an ideology of absolutes rooted in a will to power that deems anything outside Dar al-Islam, the “realm of Islam,” to be either illegitimate or evil. Absolutes allow no room for negotiation with “evil.” For a jihadist to acknowledge the political legitimacy of the Jewish state would be to acknowledge the existential legitimacy of evil. Both the Nazi and jihadist forms of hatred of Jews are driven by a will to extermination. Thus Bernard Lewis writes that the era of murderous anti-Semitism that “began with the rise of Hitler did not end with his fall.” More than any other, the jihadist who embraced the Nazis’ loathing of Jews and their extermination goals was Hajj Amin al-Husseini, leader of the Palestinian Arabs from the 1920s to the late 1940s.
Jerusalem’s Mufti Prepares the Soil for the PLO
Husseini’s entry into the politics of jihadism came in the wake of the signing of the Weizmann-Faisal agreement in January 1919, articles III and IV of which assured the Jews a homeland in Palestine. After inciting riots in Jerusalem in 1920 with cries of “Kill the Jews. There is no punishment for killing Jews,” Husseini fled the country and was sentenced in absentia to ten years in prison. When elections to select a new mufti were held in April 1921, the British High Commissioner for Palestine, Sir Herbert Samuel, bypassed the official process and appointed Husseini to the position in an effort to secure the domestic peace. This had the opposite effect: One of Husseini’s first acts as mufti was to declare a jihad against the British and the Jews. In August 1929, in a response to the mufti’s cry that “he who kills a Jew is assured a place in the next world,” Arabs went on a rampage throughout Palestine, leaving 133 Jews dead and 339 wounded. On April 19, 1936, again at Husseini’s incitement, rioting against the Jews erupted in Jaffa in what subsequently evolved into a three-year Arab revolt but not before the mufti had begun building his alliances with the Nazis.
In March 1933, Husseini had his first meeting with Nazi general consul Heinrich Wolff in Jerusalem, having earlier established connections with the Muslim Brotherhood. Husseini arranged for the Brotherhood to receive support from the Nazis in the 1930s and 1940s and later indicated that the Germans made it possible for him to engineer the Arab revolt of 1936-39. On October 2, 1937, he met with Adolf Eichmann and Herbert Hagen, one of Eichmann’s colleagues in the Gestapo’s Department of Jewish Affairs:
Eichmann wrote glowingly of “the national and racial conscience” that he observed while amongst the Arabs. He reported that “Nazi flags fly in Palestine, and they adorn their houses with swastikas and portraits of Hitler.”
The meeting took place during the Arab “revolt,” just months after the Peel Commission’s report of July 7, 1937, which recommended a two-state solution to the tensions between Palestinian Jews and Arabs. That was not the solution that Husseini wanted, and Eichmann knew it.
Days later, on October 13, the mufti again fled Palestine for Lebanon to avoid arrest and possible deportation for inciting violence against the British Mandate government. Two years later, he set up his base of operations in Baghdad and joined with Rashid Ali al-Gaylani to lead a Nazi-backed takeover of the Iraqi government on April 1, 1941. By May 31, the British had successfully suppressed the coup but not before Husseini had issued a fatwa (religious edict) announcing a jihad against Britain and the Jews. Months later, on November 28, 1941, the mufti, whom the Nazis now deemed the “champion of Arab liberation,” sat opposite Adolf Hitler, who assured him that the Nazis and the Arabs were engaged in the same struggle, namely, the extermination of the Jews.
By the end of the year, Husseini had met again with Eichmann, by now tasked with executing the “Final Solution”; his deputy Dieter Wisliceny later testified that Eichmann had informed the mufti “of the plan concerning the ‘Final Solution of the Jewish Question in Europe.'” Eichmann’s deputy also claimed that “the mufti was one of the initiators of the systematic extermination of European Jewry and had been a collaborator and advisor of Eichmann and Himmler in the execution of this plan.” Authors David Dalin and John Rothman have argued along these lines that “of the major Nazi leaders, Heinrich Himmler was the one with whom al-Husseini collaborated most actively and consistently … One of the common goals shared by al-Husseini and Himmler, who was the architect of the Nazis’ ‘Final Solution,’ was the extermination of the Jews.” Indeed, in his memoirs, the mufti had no qualms about boasting of his intimate friendship with Himmler.
Husseini had at his disposal six radio stations from which he issued regular Arabic language broadcasts urging Muslims in service to God to kill Jews everywhere. On December 11, 1942, he called Muslims to “martyrdom” as Germany’s allies against the English and the Jews. “The spilled blood of martyrs,” he cried, “is the water of life.” A week later, at a meeting of the Islamische Zentral-Institut, he recited verses from the Qur’an teaching that the Jews were the “most implacable enemies of the Muslims.” On November 2, 1943, he declared at a rally in the Luftwaffe Hall in Berlin, “The Germans know how to get rid of the Jews … They have definitely solved the Jewish problem. [This makes] our friendship with Germany not a provisional one, dependent on conditions, but a permanent and lasting friendship.”
The mufti’s actions were as murderous as his words. As early as January 1942, Husseini had begun recruiting Muslims to serve in German SS killing units, the most infamous of which was the Mountain Handschar Division of 21,065 men. Other Muslim SS killing units included the Skanderberg Division in Albania and the Arabisches Freiheitskorps in Macedonia. These murderous Muslim units played a major role in rendering the Balkans Judenrein (free of Jews) during the winter of 1943-44. As these units were doing their work, the mufti was taking other measures to hasten the slaughter of the Jews. According to Wisliceny and Hungarian Jewish leader Rudolf Kastner, Husseini wrote letters to the governments of Bulgaria (May 6, 1943), Italy (June 10, 1943), Romania and Hungary (June 28, 1943) demanding that their Jews be exterminated without delay.
In a broadcast aired on January 21, 1944, Husseini continued to blend Nazism with jihadism, asserting that “the Koran says, ‘You will find that the Jews are the worst enemies of the Moslems.’ There are also considerable similarities between Islamic principles and those of National Socialism.” In fact, he enumerated seven points that Nazis and Muslims had in common: “(1) monotheism—unity of leadership, the leadership principle; (2) a sense of obedience and discipline; (3) the battle and the honor of dying in battle; (4) community, following the principle: the collective above the individual; (5) high esteem for motherhood and prohibition of abortion; (6) glorification of work and creativity: ‘Islam protects and values productive work, of whatever kind it may be’; (7) attitude toward the Jews—’in the struggle against Jewry, Islam and National Socialism are very close.'”
Two months later, Husseini enjoined his followers to “kill the Jews wherever you find them. This pleases God, history, and religion.” If “Islamic jihad blends religion and nationalism in its endeavor to annihilate Israel,” as Ziad Abu-Amr says, this statement not only echoes his incitement of the Arabs’ anti-Jewish riots of 1920 and 1929 but also exemplifies Husseini’s jihadist stance.
As the fighting that year dragged on, Husseini grew afraid that the war might end before the prime directive of the extermination of the Jews could be achieved. Twice he wrote to Himmler, urging him to use every means possible to complete the extermination of the Jews.
When the war ended, Husseini became a Nazi war criminal. Nonetheless, he received a hero’s welcome when he turned up in Egypt on June 20, 1946, thanks to the assistance of the French authorities. Ten days later, the Muslim Brotherhood newspaper al-Ikhwan al-Muslimin announced, “The Arab hero and symbol of al-jihad and patience and struggle is here in Egypt.” This paragon of jihadism soon met with Banna and Qutb to continue “the same struggle that Hitler and Germany—and Husseini himself—had been waging during the war,” according to American academic Jeffrey Herf. With the Nazis’ extermination goals in mind, he also took under his wing a promising young man: Yasser Arafat.
Yasser Arafat and the PLO’s Jihadist Agenda
In his Nazi mufti mentor, the future Nobel Peace Prize laureate discovered a true soul mate. Arafat expressed his admiration for the mufti until the end of his days, describing him in an interview published in the Palestinian newspaper al-Quds as his “model and hero.” This mentor enlisted him in the Muslim Brotherhood where he received his first military training at the hands of former Nazis. In October 1959, Arafat and some of his colleagues founded Fatah, a word that means “conquest” and is a reverse acronym for Harakat at-Tahrir al-Filastini (The movement for the liberation of Palestine). Fatah’s ultimate aim, as stated in its platform, is “the annihilation of the Zionist entity in all of its economic, political, military, and cultural manifestations.” In late May 1964, a gathering of 422 Palestinian activists in East Jerusalem established the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and approved its two foundation documents—the organization’s Basic Constitution and the Palestinian National Covenant. By the end of the decade, the PLO had been overtaken by Fatah with Arafat appointed as chairman.
Anyone who wants to know what stands in the way of peace between the Israelis and the Palestinians need only read the Palestinian National Charter, which assumed its final form in July 1968. Reminiscent of the Nazis’ focus on blood purity, article 4 sets a similar tone, stating that “Palestinian identity is a genuine, essential, and inherent characteristic; it is transmitted from parents to children.” The covenant allows no room either for negotiations or for a peaceful means of attaining their ends (articles 9, 10, and 21). Just as the Jews threatened the existence and the essence of the Aryan nation, so they threaten the existence and the essence of the Arab nation because “the destiny of the Arab nation and, indeed, Arab existence itself depends upon the destiny of the Palestine cause” (article 14); the elimination of the Jews is not merely a political issue but, most fundamentally, an existential, ontological issue.
Anything that might legitimize Jewish existence, then, must be debunked, which is the point of article 20: “Claims of historical or religious ties of Jews with Palestine are incompatible with the facts of history.” The Jews simply have no place in Palestine, which must be made Judenrein. Furthermore, the implication of article 22 is that there is no place for the Jew anywhere: “Israel is the instrument of the Zionist movement and geographical base for world imperialism … Israel is a constant source of threat vis-à-vis peace in the Middle East and the whole world.” Just as the Nazis would deliver humanity from the Jewish evil, so the PLO would save humankind; and just as the Nazis were willing to give the appearance of negotiations in the run up to World War II, winning Czechoslovakia without a single shot through the notorious Munich agreement, so the PLO adopted in July 1974 the “phased strategy,” stipulating that the Palestinians should seize whatever territory Israel is prepared or compelled to cede to them and use it as a springboard for further territorial gains until achieving the “complete liberation of Palestine.” Even as Arafat shook Yitzhak Rabin’s hand on the White House lawn on September 13, 1993, he informed the Palestinians in a prerecorded, Arabic-language message broadcast by Jordanian television, that the Israeli-Palestinian declaration of principles, also known as the Oslo accords, was merely the implementation of the PLO’s “phased strategy.”
Despite Arafat’s declaration after the September 1972 massacre of eleven Israeli athletes at the Munich Olympic games that every Jew was a target and his subsequent proclamation that the “end of Israel is the goal of our struggle, and it allows neither compromise nor mediation … Peace for us means the destruction of Israel and nothing else,” the United Nations welcomed the PLO as the representative of the Palestinians and granted it observer status. Small wonder that following that recognition, PLO chief Salah Khalaf had no qualms about asserting that an “independent state on the West Bank and Gaza is the beginning of the final solution,” intentionally echoing the Nazi code word for the extermination of European Jewry that informed the PLO’s own outlook.
In February 1979, just days after the Iranian Islamic revolution, Arafat was welcomed in Tehran where he declared to the founding father of the Islamic Republic, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, “The path we have chosen is identical.” This embrace of the Iranian revolution, as well as Arafat’s roots in the Muslim Brotherhood to which others of Fatah’s founding fathers belonged, indicates that the PLO was not as secular as many claimed. In 1987, Arafat affirmed that “the religious trend is an integral part of the PLO,” and Khalaf averred, “The beginning of the Islamic awakening lay in sanctified jihad, which was started by Fatah.”
Just a year prior to signing the Oslo accords, Arafat vilified the Jews—not the Israelis—using strongly religious imagery: “Damn their [the Jews’] fathers. The dogs. Filth and dirt … Treachery flows in their blood, as the Qur’an testifies.” In order to inculcate such a view in Palestinian children, Arafat saw to it that the agreement would allow the Palestinians to retain control over the curricula in their schools. Historian Efraim Karsh argues that “Arafat’s indoctrination of hatred among Palestinian children was unparalleled since Nazi Germany.” In the years attending the Oslo accords, Arafat repeatedly compared his strategy to the one used by the Prophet Muhammad, who signed the Treaty of Hudaibiya with the people of Mecca in 628, only to break it when the situation shifted to his advantage.
The confluence between Nazi aims and jihadist thought continued unabated. Shortly after gaining control of the Gaza Strip and Jericho in accordance with the declaration of principles, Fatah leader Sakhr Habash stated that once the Palestinians had control of Gaza and the West Bank, they would proceed to the “final solution.” In October 1994, Arafat appointed Ikrima Sabri as mufti of Jerusalem; Sabri preached a rabid hatred of the Jews, using Qur’anic phrasing to denounce them as “descendants of pigs and apes,” accusing them of involvement in a “world Zionist conspiracy,” and blaming them in another confluence with Nazi imagery for every ill that had befallen humanity. On January 30, 1996, Arafat showed his hand and his indebtedness to Nazi thought when he told a group of Arab diplomats in Stockholm, “We plan to eliminate the State of Israel and establish a purely Palestinian state.” Another Fatah-appointed religious leader, Ahmad Abu Halabiya declared in an October 2000 Friday sermon, “Have no mercy on the Jews, no matter where they are, in any country,” making abundantly clear that for Fatah, like the Nazis and Husseini before them, the evil to be overcome was not a Jewish state but the presence of Jews in the world.
Arafat’s death in November 2004 by no means changed Fatah’s views on the extermination of the Jews. On August 4, 2009, after a lapse of twenty years, Fatah’s Sixth General Assembly convened in Bethlehem where it reaffirmed the hatred of Jews that had fueled its drive for the destruction of the Jewish state. The assembly called for a continued “armed struggle” against the Jews—as “a strategy, not tactic”—adding that the “struggle will not stop until the Zionist entity is eliminated and Palestine is liberated.” By this time, however, Fatah was in the midst of a power struggle with the Islamist group Hamas—not over the ultimate goal but over who would control its attainment. That power struggle continues to unfold.
Hamas’s Jihadist Anti-Semitism
It is in the words of Hamas activists and leaders, and especially the organization’s 1988 charter, that the link between Nazi ideology and triumphalist jihadism in the Palestinian “resistance” movements can be seen most clearly. As indicated in article 2 of its charter, Hamas is an offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood; its chief founder, Ahmad Yassin, grew up in awe of Nazi ally Hajj Amin Husseini. Yassin’s views on eliminating the Jews can be seen clearly in a 2000 Palestinian television broadcast where he proclaimed that Jews “must be butchered and killed, as Allah the Almighty said: ‘Fight them: Allah will torture them at your hands, and will humiliate them and will help you to overcome them.'”
Hamas makes “no distinctions between Jews, Zionists, and Israelis,” which means their war is not about ending the Jewish “occupation” of Palestine but rather ridding the planet of Jews. As British academic Beverley Milton-Edwards noted, “The Hamas view of the Jewish people is not drawn solely from the pages of the Qur’an and Hadith [sayings and actions by Muhammad]. Its myopia is also the product of Western anti-Semitic [primarily Nazi] influences.” As a modern Islamist, jihadist movement, Hamas is defined by a distinctively modern mutation of Islamic hatred of Jews as exemplified in the writings of the Muslim Brotherhood’s most influential jihadist ideologue, Sayyid Qutb. Qutb was known for quoting Islamic sources in his diatribes against the Jews to show that they are rejected by God and that on judgment day they shall “taste suffering through fire.” In his infamous essay “Our Struggle with the Jews,” he quotes passages from the Qur’an, including, “You will surely find the worst enemies of the Muslim to be the Jews and the polytheists” (5:82), to show that “the Jews have confronted Islam with enmity from the moment that the Islamic state was established in Medina.” He continues with: “Everywhere the Jews have been they have committed unprecedented abominations.” Qutb’s invocation of scripture and his use of a revisionist history are in keeping with a modern current in anti-Semitism, particularly when combined with his claim that the aim of world Jewry is to “penetrate into the body politic of the whole world and then … be free to perpetuate their evil designs.” This fear of a world Jewish conspiracy is distinctively modern, and the Muslim Brotherhood has bought into it.
The preamble of Hamas’s charter quotes Muslim Brotherhood founder Hassan al-Banna’s statement that “Israel will exist and will continue to exist until Islam will obliterate it.” When Banna made his assertion, the Jewish state did not yet exist, so the reference to Israel is a reference to the Jewish people.
Hamas understands itself to be functioning not merely as a political or religious movement but as the incarnation of God’s governance of the universe. Article 1 in its charter states that Hamas is “based on the common coordinated and interdependent conceptions of the laws of the universe.” Accordingly, Hamas’s deeds and aspirations are a reflection of God’s laws of the universe. The organization extends its reach into a realm beyond that of the Nazis: Whereas the Nazis insisted on the purity of blood, the jihadists insist on the purity of their very being since what is at stake is the ultimate annihilation of the Jewish presence in the world. As Banna put it, in its pure form, Islam regulates all of being—”the affairs of men in this world and the next” —so that “the mission of the Muslim Brotherhood is pure and unsullied, unblemished by any stain.” Relying upon a famous hadith, article 7 of the charter states, “The Prophet, Allah bless him and grant him salvation, has said: ‘The Day of Judgment will not come about until Muslims fight the Jews [killing the Jews], when the Jew will hide behind stones and trees. The stones and trees will say, ‘O Muslims, O Abdulla, there is a Jew behind me, come and kill him.'” Nature itself rebels against the existence of the Jews: Natural law, therefore, requires the eradication of the Jews. Thus there can be no compromise, no peace with the Jewish state which, by definition, is an evil and unnatural entity.
For Hamas then, the issue of Palestine is not about land or the “right of return” or what shall be the capital of the future state, it is about universal, revealed truth and is beyond negotiation. This explains why initiatives, and so-called peaceful solutions and international conferences, are in contradiction to the principles of the Islamic Resistance Movement. Abusing any part of Palestine is abuse directed against part of religion. Nationalism of the Islamic Resistance Movement is part of its religion…. There is no solution for the Palestinian question except through jihad.
Article 15 states that “it is necessary that scientists, educators and teachers, information and media people, as well as the educated masses, especially the youth and sheikhs of the Islamic movements, should take part in the operation of awakening [the masses].” Thus it ends with the refrain from the famous collection of hadith by the renowned, ninth-century Muslim scholar al-Bukhari: “I will assault and kill, assault and kill, assault and kill [the Jews].” Hamas also echoes Hitler’s assertion that “only the greatness of the sacrifices will win new fighters for the cause” when it proclaims that a good Muslim mother must indoctrinate her children for “religious duties in preparation for the role of fighting awaiting them.” Such a call to arms has, in recent years, transformed murder into martyrdom: The jihadist’s ticket to paradise must be purchased not with his own blood but with Jewish blood.
Hamas’s view of the Jew as a pervasive, all-powerful presence that threatens humanity echoes Hitler’s insistence that the Jew is an “invisible wire puller” who by stealth conspires to rule the world. It also underlies their view of the Jew as a threat not only to the Arabs of Palestine but to all of humanity, as stated in article 22: Jews “were behind the French Revolution, the communist revolution, and most of the revolutions … They formed secret societies … They were able to control imperialistic countries and instigate them to colonize many countries … There is no war going on anywhere without having their finger in it.” The Jew is behind every war—a belief shared by Hamas and Hitler. Therefore, the Jews are the source of every evil, a point reiterated in article 28: “The Zionist invasion [of the world] is a vicious invasion. It does not refrain from resorting to all methods, using all evil… They aim at undermining societies, destroying values, corrupting consciences, deteriorating character, and annihilating Islam … Israel, Judaism, and Jews challenge Islam and the Muslim people.”
Article 32 takes the theme a step further: “When they will have digested the region they overtook, they will aspire to further expansion, and so on. Their plan is embodied in the Protocols of the Elders of Zion … Leaving the circle of struggle with Zionism is high treason, and cursed be he who does that.” The invocation of the Protocols as a proof text is, of course, a method also employed by the Nazis bringing to mind Banna’s assertion that he had learned much from the Nazis about the use of propaganda.
In Hamas’s worldview, evil is rooted not only in the Jews but in Judaism itself. Unlike the rest of humanity, the Jew can be neither redeemed nor rehabilitated, any more than one could make Satan into a saint. The only way to liberate humanity is to cast the satanic Jew into hell, and, as the embodiment of God on earth, Hamas takes the lead in that endeavor: Hamas is humanity’s savior. To abandon its mission would be to renounce its followers’ place in paradise.
Politicians who are entrusted with securing the peace in the Middle East fail to see reality. Inasmuch as negotiators will not name the evil they confront, they remain blind to it. Enjoying the complicity of the media, leaders in the Obama administration and elsewhere refuse to refer to Islamist fascists as either Islamists or as fascists.
December 16, 2012
Islamic Fascism: the Nazi Connection
Many people buy into the premise that the World Trade Center attack on September 11 was a result of some misguided foreign policy of the United States. Others believe that Islamist terror attacks began in the 1970s, 1980s or 1990s as a result of something that we, as a country, have done to provoke such an attack.
When confronting an enemy it is helpful to know what it is that drives him. The U.S. and the West need to realistically look at the true motives of Islamic terrorists in order to properly confront them. I will show that Islamic Jihad is not motivated by any specific policies of the U.S. or the West, but instead is principally motivated by a fanatic, obsessive hatred of Jews, and that Islamic Jihad was, and continues to be, strongly influenced by the Nazis.
Despite common misconceptions, modern Islamic Fascism was not born during the 1960s, but during the 1930s. Its rise was not inspired by the failure of Nasserism in Egypt, but by the rise of Nazism in Germany, and prior to 1951 all of its campaigns were directed, not against Western colonialism, but against the Jews.
It was the Muslim Brotherhood, founded in Cairo in 1928, that established Islamic Jihad as a mass movement. The significance of the Muslim Brotherhood to Islamic Fascism is comparable to the significance of the Bolshevik Party to Communism: it was, and it remains to this day, the ideological reference point and the organizational core for all later Islamist groups, including Al Queda and Hamas.
While British colonial policy contributed to the rise of Islamic radicalism, the Brotherhood’s jihad was not directed against the British, but focused almost exclusively on Zionism and the Jews.
Membership in the Brotherhood rose from 800 members in 1936 to over 200,000 in 1938. In those two years the Brotherhood conducted a major campaign in Egypt, and it was against the Jews, not against the British occupiers. This campaign against the Jews, in the late 1930s, which established the Brotherhood as a mass movement of Islamic Jihadists, was set off by a rebellion in Palestine directed against Jewish immigration from Europe and Russia. That campaign was initiated by the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, Haj Muhammed Amin al-Husseini.
Al-Husseini was extremely impressed with Adolf Hitler and his anti-Jewish rhetoric. In 1941 he visited Hitler in Berlin. He was so enthralled with Hitler and the Nazis, and their plans to exterminate the Jews that he decided to remain in Berlin. He lived there from 1941 to 1945, recruiting Muslims in Europe for the Waffen-SS. He was very close to Hitler. Husseini’s best friends were Heinrich Himmler and Adolf Eichmann.
He convinced Hitler that he would be able to persuade his Muslim brothers in the Arab world to carry out the extermination of Jews in the Middle East, just as the Nazis were doing in Europe.
In November, 1943, In appreciation of the work that al-Husseini was doing in exterminating Jews, Himmler wrote him the following telegram:
“To the Grand Mufti: The National Socialist movement of Greater Germany has, since its inception, inscribed upon its flag the fight against the world Jewry. It has therefore followed with particular sympathy the struggle of freedom-loving Arabs, especially in Palestine, against Jewish interlopers. In the recognition of this enemy and of the common struggle against it lies the firm foundation of the natural alliance that exists between the National Socialist Greater Germany and the freedom-loving Muslims of the whole world. In this spirit I am sending you on the anniversary of the infamous Balfour declaration my hearty greetings and wishes for the successful pursuit of your struggle until the final victory. Signed: Reichsfuehrer S.S. Heinrich Himmler”
In his memoirs after the war, Al-Husseini noted that “Our fundamental condition for cooperating with Germany was a free hand to eradicate every last Jew from Palestine and the Arab world. I asked Hitler for an explicit undertaking to allow us to solve the Jewish problem in a manner befitting our national and racial aspirations and according to the scientific methods innovated by Germany in the handling of its Jews.” The answer I got from the Fuehrer was: ‘The Jews are yours.’”
The Muslim Brotherhood organized mass demonstrations in Egyptian cities during the late 1930s under the slogans, “Down with the Jews”, “Jews get out of Egypt and Palestine”, and the like. Leaflets called for a boycott of Jewish goods and Jewish shops, and the Brotherhood’s newspaper, Al-Nadhir, carried a regular column on “The Danger of the Jews of Egypt.”
The Brotherhood’s campaign against the Jews in the 1936-1938 period used not only Nazi tactics, but also significant Nazi funding. As the respected Norwegian historian Brynjar Lia recounted in his monograph on the Muslim Brotherhood, “Documents seized in the flat of Willhelm Stellbogen, the Director of the German News Agency in Cairo, show that prior to 1939 the Muslim Brotherhood received financial subsidies from the German Legation in Cairo. Stellbogen was instrumental in transferring these funds from the Nazi regime to the Muslim Brotherhood.”
From August 1938 through the end of the Second World War, Amin al-Husseini received financial and military assistance and supplies from Nazi Germany and from fascist Italy, which he sent to Egypt and Palestine. From Berlin, al-Husseini played a significant role in inter-Arab politics.
At the same time, the Muslim Brotherhood became the first organization to propagate, in modern times, the archaic idea of a belligerent and violent jihad and the culture of longing for death. In 1938, Hassan al-Banna, the Brotherhood’s charismatic founder, published his concept of Jihad in an article titled “The Industry of Death.” He wrote: “To a nation that perfects the industry of death and which knows how to die nobly, Allah gives proud life in this world, and eternal grace in the world to come.”
This slogan was enthusiastically taken up by the “Troops of God”, as the Brothers had begun to call themselves. As they held demonstrations in the late 1930′s in Cairo, marching in fascistic formation they would sing: “We are not afraid of death, we desire it. Let us die to redeem Islam”
The death cult that became a hallmark of modern Islamic Fascism was laced with Jew-hatred from the very beginning. This attitude sprung not only from Nazi influences but it also drew directly on Islamic sources.
First, Islamic Jihadists considered, and still to this day consider, Palestine (that includes present-day Israel) to be an Islamic territory (Dar al-Islam), where, according to the Koran, Jews must not run a single village, let alone a state. At best, in their view, this land should be Jew-free (Judenrein); at the very least Jews there should be relegated to subservient status (dhimmi) and should live under Sharia law. The existence of a Jewish State in Dar al-Islam contradicts the word of the Koran, which is why Muslims are so intent on destroying Israel. So long as Israel exists in Dar-al-Islam, the precepts of the Koran are not being fulfilled. There are a lot of passages in the Koran and in the history of Muhammed and his conquests that give justification to Islamists for the killing of Jews.
In 1946, the Muslim Brotherhood made sure that the Grand Mufti, who was then being sought as a war criminal by both Britain and the U.S. was granted asylum and a new lease on his political life in Egypt.
Al-Husseini had been a close ally of both the Muslim Brotherhood and the Nazis. In addition to directing Muslim SS divisions in the Balkans during the Second World War, he had been personally responsible for blocking negotiations late in the war that might have saved thousands of Jewish children from being exterminated in the gas chambers.
All of this was known in 1946 by both Britain and the U.S. Nonetheless, both chose to forego criminal prosecution of al-Husseini in order to avoid hurting their relations with the Arab world. France, which was holding Al-Husseini, deliberately let him go at the request of the Arab League.
For many in the Arab world, what amounted to amnesty for this prominent Islamist who had spent years broadcasting Nazi propaganda to the Arabs was seen as a vindication of his actions. The Arabs started to view Al-Husseini’s past with pride rather than with shame. Escaped and wanted Nazi criminals now flooded into the Arab world where they knew they would have sanctuary.
The Muslim Brotherhood’s unconditional solidarity with Al-Husseini and with his Nazi compatriots now in the Middle East led to anti-Jewish riots throughout Egypt and the Middle East just months after the liberation of Auschwitz. In 1946, Yugoslavia requested extradition from Egypt of Amin Al-Husseini for War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity. The Egyptian government refused to release him.
After the war, Al-Husseini used his recently acquired Nazi methodology to implement his vision of a Middle East free of Jews. Belief in a worldwide Jewish conspiracy had migrated from Nazi Germany to the Middle East, where it survived and flourished.
An especially striking example of its continuing influence is the charter adopted in 1988 by the Muslim Brotherhood in Palestine, now known as Hamas. In this Charter, the following language appears: Hamas defines itself as the “spearhead and the avant-garde of the struggle against World Zionism.” “The Jews,” the charter explains, “were behind the French Revolution, and the Communist Revolution. They were behind World War I and World War II. There is no war anywhere without the Jews having their hand in it.”
In 1930s and 1940s Europe, the sheer absurdity of the claims made against the Jews by the Nazis made it difficult for educated Europeans to take them seriously. In the Arab world, when the Islamists make the same absurd claims, they are taken very seriously.
Western understanding of Islamic Fascism fails when, instead of acknowledging the fact that Jew-hatred in the Middle East had reached epidemic proportions well before September 11, and that New York was considered the center of World Jewry by Islamic Jihadists, it advances the claim that Islamism originally arose in response to recent American and Western policies.
When the 9/11 Commission report stated that Osama Bin Laden’s grievance with the United States may have started in reaction to specific U.S. policies, the report gets history wrong. Understanding the real motive for Islamic Jihad, and explaining it to the American people, is important if we are going to effectively confront Islamic Fascism.
January 4, 2013
Abbas Salutes Hitler-Supporting Mufti, Terrorists in Anniversary Address
Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas paid tribute to World War II era Hitler-supporting Mufti Haj Amin al-Husseini as well as several known terror leaders responsible for the deaths of Israelis at a rally in Gaza City Friday that marked the 48th anniversary of Fatah’s first armed attack on Israel which took place on January 1st 1965.During the televised speech, made to a crowd of hundreds of thousands, Abbas made mention of, among others, Abdel Aziz Rantisi, Sheik Ahmed Yassin-both former leaders of Hamas assassinated by Israel for their role in terrorizing the Jewish state-and Marwan Bargouti, who is currently serving time in an Israeli prison for his role in the deaths of five Israelis.This was Fatah’s first such rally in the territory since a 2007 coup by Hamas ousted the party from power. In his speech Abbas addressed the division, saying that reunification was near. “Soon we will regain our unity,” he said of the two sides, which have drawn closer since the end of the eight-day November conflict, Operation Pillar of Defense, that pitted Israel against Hamas.
“The success of the rally is a success for Fatah, and for Hamas too,” said Hamas spokesman Sami Abu Zuhri. “The positive atmosphere is a step on the way to regain national unity.”
Abbas, who is not allowed to enter Gaza, but who was given permission by Hamas to stage the rally and address the crowd, said he would soon return to Gaza and that unification with Hamas would be “a step on the way to ending the (Israeli) occupation.”
A number of Fatah activists and officials did make the trip to Gaza for the rally, including Jibril Rajoub, who formerly headed the Palestinian security forces in the West Bank, Fatah cofounder Abdul Aziz Shaheen and Fadwa Barghouti, the wife of jailed terrorist Marwan Barghouti.
In the West Bank Thursday, Abbas signed a presidential decree changing the name of the Palestinian Authority to the “State of Palestine,” following the Palestinians’ upgraded status at the United Nations to a non-member observer state.
According to the decree, reported by the official Palestinian news agency Wafa, all stamps, signs, and official letterhead will be changed to bear the new name.