From Time Immemorial
The Origins of the Arab-Jewish Conflict over Palestine
This book is brilliant, provocative and enlightened. It will change the mind of our generation. It is an original analysis of a little-known but important human story.
Read Daniel Pipes review at:
Theodore H. White called Peters’ work a “superlative book” that traces middle east history with “unmatched skill.” Saul Bellow’s endorsement on the cover of the book stated:
- “Every political issue claiming the attention of a world public has its ‘experts” – news managers, anchor men, ax grinders, and anglers. The great merit of this book is to demonstrate that, on the Palestinian issue, these experts speak from utter ignorance. Millions of people the world over, smothered by false history and propaganda, will be grateful for this clear account of the origins of the Palestinians. From Time Immemorial does not grudge these unhappy people their rights. It does, however, dissolve the claims made by nationalist agitators and correct the false history by which these unfortunate Arabs are imposed upon and exploited.”
Nazi Propaganda for the Arab World
By Jeffrey Herf
Reviewed by Daniel Pipes, April 2010
But two powerful, important books have set the record straight.Djihad und Judenhass (2002) by Matthias Küntzel, translated into English in 2007 as Jihad and Jew-Hatred: Islamism, Nazism and the Roots of 9/11, shows the continuing influence of Nazi ideas on Islamists. Nazi Propaganda for the Arab World by Jeffrey Herf focuses on an earlier time, the 1930s-40s, and the major effort by Hitler and his minions to transmit their ideas to the Middle East. After reading Küntzel and Herf, I realize that my education about the modern Middle East was lacking a vital ingredient, the Nazi one.
A specialist in modern German history at the University of Maryland, Herf brings a new corpus of information to light: summary accounts of Nazi shortwave radio broadcasts in the Arabic language that were generated over three years by the U.S. embassy in Cairo. This cache reveals fully, for the first time, what Berlin told the Arabs (and to a lesser extent, the Iranians). As page after page of Nazi Propaganda for the Arab World establishes in mind-numbing but necessary detail, the Germans above all pursued two themes: stopping Zionism and promoting Islamism. Each deserves close consideration.
Nazi propaganda in Arabic portrayed World War II, history’s largest and most destructive war, as focused primarily on the sliver of land between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River. This interpretation both flattered Arabs and extended Hitler’s grand theory that Jews wanted to take over the Arab countries and eventually the whole world, that the Allied powers were but pawns in this Zionist conspiracy, and that Germany was leading the resistance to them.
Palestine was the key, according to these broadcasts. If Zionists took it over, they would “control the three continents: Europe, Asia, and Africa. Thus they will be able to rule the whole world and spread Jewish capitalism.” Such an eventuality would lead to Arabs oppressed and Islam defunct. “Should Bolshevism and Democracy be victorious,” announced Nazi radio, “the Arabs will be dominated forever and all traces of Islam will be wiped out.” To avoid this fate, Arabs had to join with the Axis.
As the war progressed, Berlin’s incitement became ever more furious. “You must kill the Jews before they open fire on you. Kill the Jews” went a July 1942 broadcast. Herf notes the bitter irony: “At this moment of complete Jewish powerlessness, the Arabic broadcasts from Berlin skillfully adapted the general Nazi propaganda line about Jewish domination of the anti-Hitler coalition to a radical Arab and Islamic view.”
At the same time, the Nazi regime developed an approach to Muslims that largely ignored the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, Mein Kampf, and other European sources in favor of selected passages from the Koran.
Hitler’s propagandists assured Muslims, first, that Axis countries “respect the Koran, sanctify the mosques, and glorify the prophet of Islam.” It cited the respectful work of German Orientalists as an important sign of goodwill. Second, it argued for what Heinrich Himmler called the “shared goals and shared ideals” of Islam and National Socialism. These included monotheism, piety, obedience, discipline, self-sacrifice, courage, honor, generosity, community, unity, anti-capitalism, and a celebration of labor and warfare.
In addition, Muslims were told that they and the Nazis were purportedly both fighting a “great struggle for freedom” against the British, the most important colonial power in the Middle East. The regime drew a parallel between Muhammad and Hitler and presented the umma as roughly analogous to its own notion of a totalitarian Volksgemeinschaft (“people’s community”).
Nazis portrayed Islam as an ally and, accordingly, called for its revival while urging Muslims to act piously and emulate Muhammad. Radio Berlin in Arabic went so far as to declare “Allahu akbar! Glory to the Arabs, Glory to Islam.” The Germans held that Muslims who were not righteous enough (i.e., not following the Nazi ideological model) were causing the umma to languish: “Muslims, you are now backward because you have not shown God the proper piety and do not fear him.” And not just backward, but also “invaded by merciless tyrants.” Specifically for Shi’ites, the Nazis hinted at Hitler being the awaited Twelfth Imam or the Muslim eschatological figure of Jesus, who will fight the anti-Christ (namely, the Jews) and bring on the end of days.
The Nazis noted the parallel between sayings from the Koran (Sura 5:82, “You will meet no greater enemy of the believers than the Jews”) and the words of Hitler (“By resisting the Jews everywhere, I am fighting for the Lord’s work”) and turned the Koran into an anti-Semitic tract whose primary purpose was to call for eternal hatred of Jews. They even falsely claimed that Muhammad ordered Muslims to fight the Jews “until they are extinct.”
In the Nazi telling, Jewish-Muslim enmity dated back to the 7th century. “Since the days of Mohamed, the Jews have been hostile to Islam” went one broadcast. “Every Moslem knows that Jewish animosity to the Arabs dates back to the dawn of Islam” declared another. “Enmity has always existed between Arab and Jew since ancient times” insisted a third. The Nazis built on this premise to establish the basis for a Final Solution in the Middle East, instructing Arabs to “make every effort possible so that not a single Jew … remains in Arab countries.”
Herf emphasizes the remarkable symbiosis of German and Middle Eastern elements: “As a result of their shared passions and interests, they produced texts and broadcasts that each group could not have produced on its own.” Specifically, Arabs learned “the finer points of anti-Semitic conspiracy thinking,” while Nazis learned the value of focusing on Palestine. He describes the coming together of Nazi and Islamic themes in Berlin as “one of the most important cultural exchanges of the twentieth century.”
Having detailed Nazi propaganda in Arabic, Herf then traces its impact. He begins by documenting the great energy and expense devoted to these messages—the quality of the personnel devoted to it, their high-level Nazi patronage, the thousands of hours of radio transmissions, and the millions of pamphlets.
He then rounds up assessments of the Axis impact, all pointing to its success. Allied estimates from 1942, for example, found that “the people were saturated with Axis talk,” that “upwards of three-fourths of the Moslem world are in favor of the Axis” and that “90% of the Egyptians, including their government, believe that the Jews are mainly responsible for shortages and high prices of essentials.” A report from 1944 found that “practically all Arabs who have radios … listen to Berlin.”
Allied reluctance to contradict Nazi propaganda also points to Axis success. Fearful of alienating Middle Easterners, the Allies stayed humiliatingly silent about the genocide taking place against the Jews; failed to refute allegations about Jews dominating London, Washington, and Moscow; did not dispute the distorted Koranic interpretations; and shied away from endorsing Zionism. Merely to dispute Nazi accusations, the Allies worried, would only confirm Nazi claims about Britain, America, and Russia being stooges of Jewish power. An internal U.S. directive in late 1942 acknowledged that “the subject of Zionist aspirations cannot be mentioned, inasmuch as … [this] would jeopardize our strategy in the Eastern Mediterranean.”
Thus, when two leading U.S. senators, Robert Taft of Ohio and Robert Wagner of New York, proposed a resolution in 1944 endorsing a Jewish national home in Palestine, Berlin radio in Arabic called this an attempt “to erase Islamic civilization” and “to eradicate the Koran.” Panicked, the entire weight of the Executive Branch came down on the senators, who felt compelled to withdraw their resolution. Clearly, Nazi offerings resonated deeply in the Middle East.
They continued to do well after the Nazi collapse and the war’s conclusion. The defeat of Nazi General Erwin Rommel’s aggressive push into North Africa meant that Nazi ambitions in the Middle East, in particular the Final Solution to annihilate its million or so Jews, were never implemented. But years of hate from radio and pamphlets and the repetitive, grotesque, ambitious, anti-Semitic, and Islam-based message detailed by Herf had taken root. Not only did the Middle East’s Nazis emerge nearly invulnerable to prosecution, but they also prospered and were feted. An example: in 1946, Hasan al-Banna, founder of the Muslim Brethren, lavished praise on Hitler’s favorite Arab, Haj Amin el-Husseini, calling him “a hero … a miracle of a man.” Banna added for good measure: “Germany and Hitler are gone, but Amin el-Husseini will continue the struggle.” Acknowledging el-Husseini’s exalted status, a British officer in 1948 described him as “the one hero in the Arab world.”
Ideas the Nazis spread in the Middle East have had an enduring twofold legacy. First, as in Europe, they built on existing prejudices against Jews to transform that prejudice into something far more paranoid, aggressive, and murderous. One U.S. intelligence report from 1944 estimated that anti-Jewish materials constituted fully half of German propaganda directed to the Middle East. The Nazis saw virtually all developments in the region through the Jewish prism and exported this obsession.
The fruits of this effort are seen not only in decades of furious Muslim anti-Zionism, personified by Arafat and Ahmadinejad, but also in the persecution of ancient Jewish communities in countries like Egypt and Iraq, which have now shriveled to near-extinction, plus the employment of Nazis such as Johann van Leers and Aloïs Brunner in important government positions. Thus did the Nazi legacy oppress Jewry in the Middle East post-1945.
Second, Islamism took on a Nazi quality. As someone who has criticized the term Islamofascism on the grounds that it gratuitously conflates two distinct phenomena, I have to report that Herf’s evidence now leads me to acknowledge deep fascist influences on Islamism. This includes the Islamist hatred of democracy and liberalism and its contempt for multiple political parties, preference for unity over division, cult of youth and militarism, authoritarian moralism, cultural repression, and illiberal economics.
Beyond specifics, that influence extends to what Herf calls an “ability to introduce a radical message in ways that resonated with, yet deepened and radicalized, already existing sentiments.” Although a scholar of Europe by training, Herf’s detective work in the U.S. archives has opened a new vista on the Arab-Israeli conflict and Islamism, as well as made a landmark contribution more broadly to an understanding of the modern Middle East.
Palestine’s Self-Inflicted Catastrophe
When it comes to the birth of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the Palestinian narrative has become the most widely repeated version of events: After World War I, Jews began immigrating to areas within Britain’s Mandate of Palestine with the Zionist dream of building a Jewish state. Jewish immigration dramatically increased at the end of World War II as a result of collective European guilt in the aftermath of the Holocaust. The Jews eventually established Israel as their illegal state after evicting the Arab population and plundering the Palestinian people and their homeland with the help of colonialist Europe. Israel’s independence is known in Arabic as the Nakba—the great catastrophe—and it created the Palestinian refugee problem, the biggest obstacle to solving the conflict today.
Enter Efraim Karsh, head of Mediterranean Studies at King’s College London, and his latest book, Palestine Betrayed. A preeminent historian on the Arab-Israeli conflict, Karsh sets out “to reclaim the historical truth” behind Israel’s creation. In doing so, he tests such Palestinian narratives and the conclusions of the “new historians”—revisionists such as Avi Shlaim, Ilan Pappe, and the early Benny Morris who in the 1980s rose to challenge the established narrative of Israel’s birth.
Karsh sets the record straight by drawing on Western, United Nations, Israeli, and Soviet documents declassified over the last decade, providing the correct context often missing in the selective focus of the “new historians” and altogether absent in the Palestinian narrative. His detailed examination of the historical records reveals that Israel’s establishment was not the main cause of the Palestinian refugee problem and the hardships that the population has faced thereafter. Instead, it was the result of actions taken by the Palestinian Arabs and their leaders.
Anger instigated by Arab leaders is the foremost recurring theme in Palestine Betrayed, and Karsh holds the mufti of Jerusalem, Hajj Amin Husseini, responsible for the deterioration of neighborly relations between the Arabs and Jews during the Mandate period, and for the eventual “collapse and dispersion of Palestinian Arab society.”
Hajj Amin, known for his pan-Arab ambitions, “viewed the Palestinians not as a distinct people deserving statehood but as an integral part of a single Arab nation”—with himself as leader, and clean of Jews. To this end, Hajj Amin, an admirer and supporter of Adolf Hitler’s Nazi Germany, launched a campaign to demolish the Jewish national revival by enraging his constituents with all the anti-Jewish rhetoric he could find, from verses in the Quran to The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.
But the Mufti was not alone in his aspirations to control Palestine at the expense of its inhabitants. It was Transjordanian King Abdullah’s “imperial ambitions” that eventually forced the newly formed Arab states to invade the day-old Israel in 1948 “not to save the Palestinian Arabs but to prevent the annexation of Palestine, in whole or in part, to Transjordan.” Karsh astutely points out that the Arab invasion following Israel’s independence “was more of a scramble for Palestine than an attempt to secure Palestinian national rights.”
However, instead of consolidating Arab rule over Palestine, “The 1948 war resulted in the total disintegration of Palestinian Arab society.” By the end of the Mandate in May 1948, some 340,000 Arabs had fled Palestine; by January 1949, that number swelled to 600,000—a direct result of Arab leaders’ coercion and invasion.
Indeed, the Mufti and heads of surrounding Arab countries were largely responsible for the flight of the Palestinian Arabs—a highly controversial point that Karsh proves remarkably well with a substantial body of sourced material and quotations from key British, Jewish, and Arab eyewitnesses. While there were instances in which Jewish forces expelled Arab villagers in the heat of battle, in most cases, Arab leaders and their armed militias forcefully drove the Palestinian Arabs from their homes, at first to use the houses as military bases and then to prevent them from becoming citizens of a prospective Jewish state. Many others fled of their own free will as the wartime security situation deteriorated.
At the heart of Palestine Betrayed, Karsh argues that the Palestinian people were—and still are—betrayed by their very own leaders who promised to act with their best interests in mind but instead acted on personal ambitions. Never relinquishing their dreams of a pan-Arab empire under their homage, each leader refused to establish peaceful relations with the Jews, condemning the Palestinian people to decades of war and statelessness.
“Had the Mufti chosen to lead his people to peace and reconciliation with their Jewish neighbors,” Karsh writes, “the Palestinians would have had their independent state” in accordance with the 1947 UN Partition Plan for Palestine, which the Jews accepted and Palestine’s Arab leaders did not.
The same applied to Yassir Arafat in the late 1990s and early 2000s, when he chose to pocket internatiional aid and create terrorist networks rather than infrastructure necessary for an independent state. The same now applies to Mahmoud Abbas who refuses to accept Israel’s ‘Jewishness’ in a peace agreement but insists that Israel fully implement the right of return, “the Palestinian and Arab euphemism for Israel’s destruction.”
Palestine Betrayed is an extraordinarily well-documented account of the events leading up to Israel’s creation. It is the antidote to revisionist historians whose narrative casts the Palestinians as passive players in the conflict with no responsibility for their actions. The contexts of war and inter-Arab rivalry are the key components to understanding how events played out. At the same time, Karsh’s work demonstrates that Palestinian mythology continues to hinder all attempts at solving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Indeed, the notion that Israel is solely responsible for creating the Palestinian refugee encourages Palestinian leaders and society to cling to the erroneous belief that Israel will welcome each refugee into the state as part of a peace deal. And as long as this remains a Palestinian redline, there is no hope for ending the conflict.
Inventing the “Palestinians” as the Obstacle to Peace
For either supporters of Israel or the putatively Paleolithic “Palestinians,” Phantom Nation is a must-read. Sha’i ben-Tekoa skewers the myth of a “Palestinian” nation with rights to land the League of Nations specifically recognized as Jewish. The author, hired for a research project by the Office of Israel’s Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir discovered the first mention ever in a United Nations resolution of “Palestinians” in the year 1970, three years after Israel conquered Judea and Samaria, a.k.a. the “West Bank.” The author shows how this very no-name of a name, “West Bank,” had to be invented for hills the Arabs never had a name for; hence the sterile, topographical description lacking all historical associations which exposes the fraud that is the “Palestinian” counter-claim to land the League said was Jewish. Before 1959, when Gamal Nasser of Egypt conjured up the idea of a phantom “Palestinian entity,” the record of Holy Land history is perfectly empty of any mention of them. After Ben-Tekoa’s government assignment ended, he went in search of the full story surrounding the birth of this allegedly archaic society, and the story he tells covers the entire sweep of Zionist and Israeli history, its wars and waves of Arab and Muslim massacres (terrorism) and the birth of this notional nation a Biblical generation of forty years after the League of Nations Mandate. He likens the rise of “Palestinian Nationalism” to Holocaust Denial as a twin perversion of history, our generation’s successor ideology to medieval Christianity and Nazism as forms of homicidal anti-Semitism. It is our time’s way of justifying the mass murder of Jews. Phantom Nation is also a crackling, riveting, great read.
Militant Islam Reaches America
“Unnoticed by most Westerners,” Daniel Pipes wrote in 1995, referring to militant Islam, “war has been unilaterally declared on Europe and the United States.” Pipes, director of the Philadelphia-based Middle East Forum, was one of the very few Americans to understand the significance of what to many appeared to be no more than isolated cases of violence. Long before September 2001, he publicly warned Americans that militant Islam had gone to war against America. Now Americans are listening to him.
Pipes here presents the results of his research, dividing his work into two key subjects. First, he explains what exactly militant Islam is and stresses the large and crucial difference between Islam, the faith, and militant Islam the ideology. He demonstrates that there is no clash of civilizations underway, but a battle for the soul of Islam among Muslims themselves. He shows that militant Islam is not mainly caused by poverty and that its adherents, far from being the dispossessed, tend to include the more talented and Westernized elements. Militant Islam has strikingly much in common with fascism and communism. Indeed, Pipes demonstrates that the U.S. government has, without realizing it, become a patron of the Islamic faith by helping Muslims spread their message.
Secondly, Pipes takes up the relatively new subject of Islam in the United States, and how it has rapidly developed in the last decade. Significant elements within American Islam, for example, seek to replace the Constitution with the Qur’an. Americans can write far more candidly now about Jesus more easily than about Muhammad, as various writers and journalists have learned to their surprise. Despite widespread claims that American Muslims face discrimination, they enjoy a higher socio-economic standing than the national average. Jamil Al-Amin (the former H. Rap Brown), despite being sentenced to life without parole for murdering a black police officer, has been celebrated by many of the country’s leading Muslim organizations.
Pipes concludes that, like it or not, the United States is now party to the difficult task of modernizing Islam globally; he argues that this is the ultimate aim of the war on terrorism. Militant Islam Reaches America is one of the most important and readable books about the great issues that now confront America.
Tested by Zion
Ariel Sharon disengaged from Gaza because he wanted to disentangle the people he had spent a lifetime protecting from their nemesis.
Conventional political wisdom has long held that the Palestinian issue is the key to the Middle East. Yet as Elliott Abrams points out in “Tested by Zion: The Bush Administration and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict,” “Arab political life does not revolve around Palestine.” Rather, Palestine is “one issue among many and never the determining factor in any Arab nation’s actions and even in its relations with the United States.” So why does Washington devote so much effort to it?
Mr. Abrams’s book is the definitive history of the last Republican president’s considerable accomplishments in the Levant. This detailed record of meetings, documents and agreements demonstrates that the Palestinian question is of interest primarily because of its emotional resonance, for Americans as well as for Israelis and Arabs. It is more than just another issue; it is a broad and epic story featuring the full range of human passions and emotions. In Mr. Abrams’s telling, it is also a story about character. Do the actors tell beautiful lies about peace for their own self-glorification, or do they tell the truth—about Israel, about the Palestinians and about themselves?
The protagonists of this narrative are President George W. Bush and his Israeli counterpart, then Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, both of them unlikely peacemakers. Mr. Abrams joined the U.S. National Security Council staff in June 2001, first as a deputy assistant to the president and later as deputy national security adviser for global democracy strategy. Until 2005 his boss was Condoleezza Rice, Mr. Bush’s closest confidante and the book’s most fascinating figure. Mr. Abrams clearly respects and admires her but—as the narrative unwinds and Ms. Rice veers from the policies of the president she is supposed to serve—he also unflinchingly recounts her stubbornness, pride and ultimate ineffectiveness. As Mr. Abrams makes clear, the Annapolis conference—the 2007 peace talks convened at the insistence of Ms. Rice, by then the secretary of state, and modeled after many similar and unsuccessful U.S. diplomatic efforts—was the unhappy denouement of a period that began optimistically, paradoxically enough, in the shadow of 9/11.
The Bush presidency marked a momentous time in Israeli-Palestinian affairs—a fact that seems to have escaped many, including Mr. Bush’s successor. President Barack Obama told a group of Jewish leaders in July 2009 that there had been no progress on the Palestinian question during Mr. Bush’s tenure because there had been no”daylight” between the U.S. and Israel. The reality is that, under Mr. Bush, American engagement with the Jewish state and the Palestinians was more fruitful than ever before—or since. Among other successes, there was Mr. Sharon’s disengagement from Gaza and Mr. Bush’s call for a Palestinian state.
To win those achievements, the key wasn’t to keep hammering away at negotiations, as American and Israeli policy makers had done for decades, most recently with the Oslo process, but to see the same problems from a fresh perspective. Instead of waiting for a Palestinian partner, Mr. Sharon withdrew unilaterally from Gaza. Rather than invest American time, money and prestige in a terrorist, Mr. Bush turned his back on Yasser Arafat and demanded an end to Palestinian terror. These were bold actions. And, in keeping faith with the post-9/11 freedom agenda, Mr. Bush called for fundamental political reforms and became the first American president to embrace the creation of a Palestinian state. All that happened because the president understood, as Mr. Abrams writes, “that his goal of ‘no daylight’ between the United States and Israel would maximize his leverage.”
In retrospect, it is easy to see that Bush administration diplomacy had at least two things going for it. First, it was conducted before Israel faced war on two borders from which it had withdrawn, southern Lebanon and Gaza, after which Israelis became rightly wary of exchanging more land for peace. Second, there was Mr. Sharon, a larger than life figure from Israel’s generation of founding patriarchs who wanted out of Gaza not because he liked or trusted the Palestinian Authority but because he wanted to disentangle the people he had spent a lifetime protecting from their nemesis, the Palestinians.
The author admires Mr. Sharon; the two men lunched on several occasions at Mr. Sharon’s ranch in the Negev Desert.Having disengaged from Gaza and eyeing the abandonment of settlements on the West Bank, Mr. Sharon became a man of peace, just as Mr. Bush had described him. “He sees a window of three more years,” one of the prime minister’s top aides told Mr. Abrams at the end of 2005, “to bring about a more stable situation.” But within a month, Mr. Sharon suffered a stroke that left him in a permanent coma. Washington’s Arab-Israeli policy foundered.
To be sure, the White House made mistakes even with Mr. Sharon in office. The Bush administration didn’t anticipate that Hamas would market the Gaza withdrawal as a triumph of armed resistance. But it wasn’t until Israel’s 2006 war with the Lebanese Shiite militia Hezbollah that Mr. Sharon’s absence proved decisive. Unlike Mr. Sharon, who, as Mr. Abrams explains, had masterfully cajoled Ms. Rice, the inexperienced Prime Minister Ehud Olmert was incapable of managing her. As secretary of state, Ms. Rice was so determined to leave her mark as peacemaker that she seems to have viewed Israel’s second Lebanon war as a personal affront. She unconscionably adopted Hezbollah talking points, like demanding that Israel return the Shebaa Farms, a small plot of land in the Golan Heights, to Lebanon, a move that implicitly justified Hezbollah terrorism against the Jewish state. This was one of a number of self-inflicted wounds that issued from Ms. Rice’s newfound distrust of Israeli leaders.
Perhaps, the author says, Ms. Rice, who had once so ably served the president’s policy, had simply adopted the State Department’s Arabist perspective toward the end of her tenure. Policy, after all, is made by people whose talents and flaws are tied inextricably to how they understand the world and try to shape it—or pull it apart. As Mr. Abrams shows throughout this insightful book, institutions and bureaucracies are only part of the human equation.
Reviewed ByLee Smith from FDD for the Wall Street Journal. Mr. Smith is a fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies and a senior editor of the Weekly Standard.
The Prime Ministers
By Yehuda Avner
a fascinating account of someone who was an eye witness to many historic moments in the history of the Jewish state…provide[s] insight into the actions of our nation’s leaders and offers important lessons for the future.
Benjamin Netenyahu, Prime Minister of Israel
a front-row seat to the drama of Israeli statecraft in moments of crisis and triumph, tragedy and joy. I couldn’t put it down.
Bret Stephens, The Wall Street Journal
one of the most remarkable accounts we are ever likely to get of how Israel has been governed over the decades… the ultimate insider’s account.
David Horovitz, The Jerusalem Post
a sweeping tome of Israeli politics and history.
Hillary Rodham Clinton, US Secretary of State
THE PRIME MINISTERS is the first and only insider account of Israeli politics from the founding of the Jewish State to the near-present day. It reveals stunning details of life-and-death decision-making, top-secret military operations and high level peace negotiations. THE PRIME MINISTERS brings readers into the orbits of world figures, including Menachem Begin, Yitzhak Rabin, Ronald Reagan, Jimmy Carter, Henry Kissinger, Yasser Arafat, Margaret Thatcher, Princess Diana and the Lubavitcher Rebbe.
THE PRIME MINISTERS is an enthralling political memoir, and a precisely crafted prism through which to view current Middle East affairs and presents first-hand accounts of major historical events:
- Menachem Begin’s decision to bomb Saddam Hussein’s nuclear reactor
- Yitzhak Rabin’s handling of the Entebbe rescue mission
- The Egypt-Israel peace process
- The shelling of the Irgun arms ship, the Altalena
- Deir Yessin
It offers keen observations of key personalities, and unforgettable descriptions of political rivalries, diplomatic blunders, White House and Buckingham Palace banquets and more, to bring Israel’s history to life.
Middle East Conflicts and America
As one of the world’s most volatile areas, the Middle East receives disproportionate media coverage. But this coverage almost invariably presents the events of the day without providing the context needed to understand the implications and meaning of those events. The eighteen articles in this volume, which originally appeared in Orbis: A Journal of World Affairs in 1990 and 1991, provide insight into the context of Middle Eastern events. Arab politics, the Arab-Israeli conflict, the Persian Gulf, and U.S. policy are examined in detail. The main themes covered are security issues such as wars, terrorism, and hostage-taking, and attitudes, including public opinion in Lebanon and the United States and the Israeli security dilemma.
What Went Wrong?
Western Impact and Middle Eastern Response
In this intriguing volume, Bernard Lewis examines the anguished reaction of the Islamic world as it tried to understand why things had changed–how they had been overtaken, overshadowed, and to an increasing extent dominated by the West. Lewis provides a fascinating portrait of a culture in turmoil. He shows how the Middle East turned its attention to understanding European weaponry and military tactics, commerce and industry, government and diplomacy, education and culture. Lewis highlights the striking differences between the Western and Middle Eastern cultures from the 18th to the 20th centuries through thought-provoking comparisons of such things as Christianity and Islam, music and the arts, the position of women, secularism and the civil society, the clock and the calendar.
Hailed in The New York Times Book Review as “the doyen of Middle Eastern studies,” Bernard Lewis is one of the West’s foremost authorities on Islamic history and culture. In this striking volume, he offers an incisive look at the historical relationship between the Middle East and Europe.
“Arguably the West’s most distinguished scholar on the Middle East.”–Newsweek
“Lewis has done us all–Muslim and non-Muslim alike–a remarkable service…. The book’s great strength, and its claim upon our attention, [is that] it offers a long view in the midst of so much short-term and confusing punditry on television, in the op-ed pages, on campuses and in strategic studies think tanks.” –Paul Kennedy, The New York Times Book Review
“When it comes to Islamic studies, Bernard Lewis is the father of us all. With brilliance, integrity, and extraordinary mastery of languages and sources, he has led the way for Jewish and Christian investigators seeking to understand the Muslim world.”–National Review
“Lucidly argued and richly supported by telling quotations…. Lewis is a persuasive chronicler of Muslim resistance to change and modernity.”–Robert Irwin, Washington Post Book World
“An accessible and excitingly knowledgeable antidote to today’s natural sense of befuddlement.” –Michael Pakenham, Baltimore Sun
“Replete with the exceptional historical insight that one has come to expect from the world’s foremost Islamic scholar.” –Karen Elliott House, Wall Street Journal
“A compelling book. One of our most distinguished historians throws a floodlight on that cruel divide between the West and the societies of Islam. Learned and urgent at the same time.” –Fouad Ajami, The Johns Hopkins University
In the Path of God
Islam and Political Power
Americans’ awareness of Islam and Muslims rose to seemingly unprecedented heights in the immediate aftermath of September 11, 2001, but this is not the first time they have dominated American public life. Once before, during the period of the Iranian revolution and hostage crisis of 1979 to 1981, Americans found themselves targeted as a consequence of a militant interpretation of Islam. Daniel Pipes wrote In the Path of God in response to those events, and the heightened interest in Islam they generated. His objective was to present an overview of the connection between in Islam and political power through history in a way that would explain the origins of hostility to Americans and the West. Its relevance to our understanding of contemporary events is self evident.
Muslim antagonism toward the West is deeply rooted in historical experience. In premodern times, the Islamic world enjoyed great success, being on the whole more powerful and wealthier than their neighbors. About two hundred years ago, a crisis developed, as Muslims became aware of the West’s overwhelming force and economic might. While they might have found these elements attractive, Muslims found European culture largely alien and distasteful. The resulting resistance to Westernization by Muslims has deep roots, has been more persistent than that of other peoples, and goes far to explain the deep Muslim reluctance to accept modern ways. In short, Muslims saw what the West had and wanted it too, but they rejected the methods necessary to achieve this. This, the Muslim trauma, has only worsened over the years.
“Scholarly, far-ranging, and thoughtful… the debate is interesting, and Pipes has made a stimulating contribution to it.”-The New Republic
“Brilliant, authoritative… demonstrates encyclopedic knowledge of Muslim intellectual history… Few other writers have explained so lucidly such complex developments in Muslim history.”-The Washington Post
“He has resisted a widespread tendency to translate Muslim self-expression into social science jargon as unintelligible as any mosque harangue. His unadorned interpretation strikes a judicious balance between faithfulness to sources and clarity of presentation.”-The American Spectator
Daniel Pipes is director of the Middle East Forum and a columnist for the New York Post and the Jerusalem Post. Among his books are The Long Shadow: Culture and Politics in the Middle East (published by Transaction), Greater Syria: The History of an Ambition, Friendly Tyrants: An American Dilemma, and The Rushdie Affair: The Novel, the Aftermath and the West.
“Among the outstanding contributions to public-policy debates are Daniel Pipes’s In the Path of God, a lively history of modern Islam and the politics it produces.”
– Ellen Wilson, The Wall Street Journal, September 20, 1983
“A cogent study of Islam as a political force in the modern world.”
– CW, National Review, November 11, 1983
“Scholarly, far-ranging, and thoughtful… the debate is interesting, and Pipes has make a stimulating contribution to it.”
– Ernest Gellner, The New Republic, December 5, 1983
“Brilliant, authoritative… demonstrates encyclopedic knowledge of Muslim intellectual history… Few other writers have explained so lucidly such complex developments in Muslim history… Pipes’ brief account is certainly useful to the nonspecialist trying to understand what seems to be the inherent political instability of the Muslim world… forcefully presented and cogently argued… The book is a valuable contribution to our understanding.”
– Thomas W. Lippman, The Washington Post, December 11, 1983
“Mr. Pipes’s forte is logical argumentation. The arguments here are usually clever, occasionally even brilliant, and invariably presented with verve and style”
– Lisa Schiffren, The Wall Street Journal, December 23, 1983
Itmar Marcus and Jacques Zilberbik
“If there were an Oscar given for doublespeak, the Palestinian political leadership would win it, hands down… Deception carefully analyzes a full year’s worth of cultural, educational and general media… We’ve feared for years that the current generation of Palestinians is unprepared to make peace with Israel. We now have strong and depressing evidence that the next generation may not be ready either.”
Founder, Chair Emeritus of Human Rights Watch
Speaking to press at launch of Deception, Dec. 6, 2011
Speaking to press at launch of Deception, Dec. 6, 2011
Arm yourself with the information.”
Dutch parliamentarian Geert Wilders has released in 2012 his autobiographical account of his internationally known condemnation of, and personal conflicts with Islam. Through personal travels to the Middle East and the example of Muslim migrants who sought not to assimilate to Holland’s world-renowned tolerant culture, but rather despised and sought to dominate it, Wilders recognized the incompatibility of Islam’s canonical core with a free Western civilization. Wilders in turn personally experienced this incompatibility as his continuing condemnation of Islam brought him not the intellectual interchange due a debater in public forums, but rather personal and legal endangerment. Yet Wilders persevered and prevailed, thereby giving an example of how the free world can once again overcome a totalitarian threat.
Europe faces the depredations of many Muslims who see the continent not as a new home to settle, but rather as a foreign society to be subjugated and plundered in accord with Islam’s history of raiding. Holland, for instance, has 40 areas known as “Vogelaar neighborhoods” after a list published in 2007 by the Dutch Minister of Integration and Housing, Ella Vogelaar. Here large Muslim communities exhibit high crime rates, particularly with respect to non-Muslim victims, vigilante enforcement of sharia norms such as those involving the “modesty” of females, and a susceptibility to riots provoked by any incident à la Rodney King. Even state authorities such as the police only enter these areas with the greatest precaution. France similarly has since 1996 751 internationally known zones urbaines sensibles (sensitive urban areas or ZUS), the scene of extensive rioting in 2005 with over 10,000 destroyed cars. Wilders describes the same phenomenon of non-Muslim “no-go” areas in Belgium, Germany, and the United Kingdom.
Muslim hostility extends beyond individual criminal acts to state social services. Some imams in Germany, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom have told their congregations to avoid work and paying taxes in order to drain their host societies through welfare payments. Similarly, a Pakistani immigrant told a Norwegian newspaper that he and his boss avoided paying taxes.
Wilders’ ongoing exposure to Islam has prompted his extensive study of the same. Wilders is a “fervent reader of the Koran,” often compared by Wilders to Adolf Hitler’s Mein Kampf, banned in many countries like Wilders’ Holland. Reading the Koran for the first time, Wilders expected “to find injunctions to ‘love thy neighbor’…similar to those in the Bible, but instead…found the spite of a god who hates.”
Drawing upon the analysis of many other scholars of Islam, Wilders discerns that “Islam is primarily a political ideology, not a religion.” In particular, unlike “authentic religions” Islam “does not teach the golden rule” but rather “institutionalizes inequality.” Wilders has come to the conclusion that while “many moderate Muslims” exist, the “political ideology of Islam is not moderate-it is a totalitarian cult with global ambitions.”
Like others, Wilders has determined that oft-criticized “inhuman aspects form the core of Islam,” thereby marginalizing any attempt to formulate a benign understanding of Islam as esoteric and largely unviable. Therefore “there is no such thing as ‘Islam with a human face,’ just as there was no real ‘socialism with a human face’ or ‘national-socialism with a human face.'” “People who reject Islam’s violent, intolerant, and misogynistic commandments may be moderates,” Wilders analyzes, “but they are not practicing ‘moderate Islam’-they are not practicing Islam at all.” Having traveled to Afghanistan, Egypt, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Tunisia, and Turkey, Wilders recognizes the great “potential” of Muslim individuals. Yet Wilders concludes, “Islam is the problem-and we should not be afraid to say so,” thereby rejecting any attempt to “sugarcoat Islam…out of a misguided fear of offending its adherents.”
Wilders has paid a price for his condemnation of Islam. Since November 4, 2004, two days after the Amsterdam murder of filmmaker Theo van Gogh by a Muslim, Wilders has lived under constant police protection “like a prisoner” due to similar death threats. “Providing permanent protection for critics of Islam,” Wilders observes, “is one of the many costs a society has to pay once it allows Islam inside its borders.” Wilders also endured a prosecution in Holland for his anti-Islam statements before obtaining a critical legal victory for free speech on June 23, 2011.
Andrew E. Harrod holds a PhD from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy and a JD from George Washington University Law School. He has published various pieces concerning an Islamic supremacist agenda at the Middle East Forum’s Legal Project, American Thinker, and Faith Freedom International.
‘There are more new innovative ideas . . . coming out of Israel than there are out in [Silicon] Valley right now. And it doesn’t slow during economic downturns.” The authors of “Start-Up Nation,” Dan Senor and Saul Singer, are quoting an executive at British Telecom, but they could just as easily be quoting an executive at Intel, which last year opened a $3.5 billion factory in Kiryat Gat, an hour south of Tel Aviv, to make sophisticated 45-nanometer chips; or Warren Buffett, who in 2006 paid $4 billion for four-fifths of an Israeli firm that makes high-tech cutting tools for cars and planes; or John Chambers, Cisco’s chief executive, who has bought nine Israeli start-ups; or Steve Ballmer, who calls Microsoft “as much an Israeli company as an American company” because of the importance of its Israeli technologists. “Google, Cisco, Microsoft, Intel, eBay . . . ,” says one of eBay’s executives. “The best-kept secret is that we all live and die by the work of our Israeli teams.”
Israel is the world’s techno-nation. Civilian research-and-development expenditures run 4.5% of the gross domestic product—half-again the level of the U.S., Germany or South Korea—and venture-capital investment per capita is 2½ times that of the U.S. and six times that of the United Kingdom. Even in absolute terms, Israel has only the U.S.—with more than 40 times the population—as a challenger.
As Messrs. Senor and Singer write: “Israel—a country of just 7.1 million people—attracted close to $2 billion in venture capital [in 2008], as much as flowed to the U.K.’s 61 million citizens or the 145 million people living in Germany and France combined.” At the start of 2009, some 63 Israeli companies were listed on the Nasdaq, more than those of any other foreign country. Among the Israeli firms: Teva Pharmaceuticals, the world’s largest generic drug maker, with a market cap of $48 billion; and Check Point Software Technologies, with a market cap of $7 billion.
Such economic dynamism has occurred in the face of war, internal strife and rising animosity from other nations. During the six years following the bursting of the tech bubble in 2000, Israel suffered one of its worst periods of terrorist attacks and fought a second Lebanese war; and yet, as the authors note, its “share of the global venture capital market did not drop—it doubled, from 15 percent to 31 percent.”
Instead, Messrs. Senor and Singer point to a “classic cluster of the type Harvard professor Michael Porter has championed [and] Silicon Valley embodies”: the tight proximity of research universities, large firms and start-ups, a talent pool drawn from around the world, and an ecosystem of venture capital and military and other government R&D funding. In addition, they contend, Israel has a unique entrepreneurial culture that combines individualism, egalitarianism (a penchant for organizational flatness) and nurturing.
Where does this culture come from? Mainly, the Israeli military. “You have minimal guidance from the top,” Messrs. Senor and Singer write, “and are expected to improvise, even if this means breaking some rules. If you’re a junior officer, you call your higher-ups by their first names, and if you see them doing something wrong, you say so.” High-school stand-outs are recruited into elite military units and trained intensively, with an emphasis on technology. When they’re done, everything required to launch a start-up “will be a phone call away. . . . Almost everyone can find some connection to whomever he or she needs to contact to get started.” Israel is a country, it seems, where everyone knows everyone.
It is also a country with mandatory military service before college. For nations that want to emulate Israel’s start-up success, Messrs. Senor and Singer advocate similar mandatory service, military or otherwise, to get “something like the leadership, teamwork, and mission-oriented skills and experience Israelis receive.” The trick is to combine what’s learned in the Israeli Defense Forces (or its non-defense equivalent elsewhere) with an almost abrasive individualism and the kind of self-reliance that occurs in a country that has to go it alone to survive.
The authors give relatively short shrift to economic policy. In a regulatory straitjacket and dominated by a state-run banking system, Israel suffered a “lost decade” from the mid-1970s to the mid-1980s. Messrs. Senor and Singer give appropriate credit to the reforms (like eliminating a ban on performance fees for hedge funds) initiated by Benjamin Netanyahu, now the prime minister, when he ran the finance ministry.
The greatest strength of “Start-Up Nation” is not analysis but anecdote. The authors tell vivid stories of entrepreneurial success, such as that of Shai Agassi, the son of an Iraqi immigrant to Israel, with his electric-automobile technology, now in the process of creating “Car 2.0”; or Gavirel Iddan, who got his start as a rocket scientist, with his pill cameras that explore the inside of the human body, founding Given Imaging in 2001, “the first company to go public on Wall Street after the 9/11 attacks.” In the end, it is not easy to discover why Israel, a tiny nation of immigrants torn by war, has managed to become the first technology nation. It may be enough, as this fine book does, to shine a spotlight on its success.
Mr. Glassman is executive director of the George W. Bush Institute, a think tank that is part of the Bush Center in Dallas, which will include a library and museum.
Six Days of War
June 1967 and the Making of the Modern Middle East
Michael B. Oren
Reviewed by Daniel Pipes
In a spare and direct way, replete with quotations, Oren has written the best book ever on the Six-Day War. He draws on sources in six languages and is the first historian to use the recently-opened state archives of several countries. Those archives provide his account with an insider quality previously lacking and give him many scoops (two of them: the specific Arab plans for conquering Israel; and how Defense Minister Moshe Dayan’s decision to seize the Golan Heights violated his terms of office).
Oren’s research offers insights into the reasons for the Israel Defense Forces winning so overwhelmingly; they practiced relentlessly and lived in a world of absolute realism, in contrast to the fantasy world of the Arabs. If the Israelis were all nerves on approaching war—Chief of Staff Yitzhak Rabin suffered a breakdown—the Arab leaders were wildly overconfident. A Syrian general predicted a victory over Israel in four days, “at most.” Egypt’s President Gamal Abdel Nasser “showed no signs of concern, insisting that the Jews were incapable of mounting” precisely the surprise air attack that they did pull off.
His research also bears on the war’s long-term consequences. Well before the guns fell silent, the hope of resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict created its own imperatives and illusions. The U.S. government was thinking, even before hostilities started, how the war might help resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict. Already in mid-May, the National Security Council’s Middle East hand, Harold Saunders, suggested that Israel should have the time to trounce its enemies, seeing in this a way “of settling borders and, maybe even refugees.” President Lyndon B. Johnson had, by the second day of warfare, formulated the outline of the land-for-peace policy that ever since has characterized U.S. policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict: Israel uses its conquests as leverage to gain recognition from the Arabs.
In retrospect, while there was some accuracy to this expectation—it’s why Egypt’s president Anwar Sadat effectively capitulated to Israel’s terms in 1977—it eventually led the U.S. and Israel down the primrose path to today’s violence.
Lone Wolf Terrorism: Understanding the Growing Threat
by Jeffrey D. Simon
Reviewed by Brian Michael Jenkins
Essential reading for anyone concerned about the potential terrorist threats from violence-prone individuals in our midst
A new era in terrorism is emerging and the lone wolf is at the forefront. From Anders Breivik in Norway, who murdered scores of young people in a bombing and mass-shooting attack, to Nidal Malik Hasan in the United States, who killed many of his fellow soldiers after opening fire at a military base, lone wolves have demonstrated that they can be as dangerous as organized terrorist groups. Who are these terrorists and what can be done about them?
In Lone Wolf Terrorism, internationally renowned terrorism expert Jeffrey D. Simon presents the first comprehensive treatment of this important issue. After delving into the diversity in motivations and backgrounds of lone-wolf terrorists, Simon makes the following key points about this growing threat:
- Lone wolves have proven to be more creative and dangerous than many terrorist groups.
- The Internet has provided the perfect breeding ground for isolated individuals with terrorist tendencies, but it may also prove to be their undoing.
- The common perception that nothing can be done about lone wolves is wrong. In fact, innovative strategies and policies can be developed to both prevent and respond to this type of terrorism.
- Few women are in this category, but this is likely to change in the coming years.
- Lone wolves are not just Islamist extremists but can be found among all types of political and religious ideologies.
Drawing on his more than twenty-five years of experience studying terrorism, Simon has produced an insightful book that is essential reading for anyone concerned about the potential terrorist threats from violence-prone individuals in our midst.
Lights Out: Islam, Free Speech And The Twilight Of The West
Roaming from America to Europe to Australia, Lights Out is a trenchant examination of the tensions between a resurgent Islam and a fainthearted west – and of the implications for liberty in the years ahead.
In 2007, the Canadian Islamic Congress brought three suits against Maclean s, Canada s biggest-selling newsweekly, for running an excerpt from Steyn s bestselling book America Alone, plus other flagrantly Islamophobic columns by the author. A year later the CIC had lost all its cases and Steyn had become a poster boy for a worldwide phenomenon – the collision between Islam, on the one hand, and, on the other, western notions of free speech, liberty and pluralism.
In this book, Steyn republishes all the essays the western world’s new thought police attempted to criminalize, along with new material responding to his accusers. Covering other crises from the Danish cartoons to the Salman Rushdie fatwa, he also takes a stand against the erosion of free speech, and the advance of a creeping totalitarian “multiculturalism”; and he considers the broader relationship between Islam and the west in a time of unprecedented demographic transformation.
The Nation of Islam’s Secret Relationship between Blacks and Jews has been called one of the most serious anti-Semitic manuscripts published in years. This work of so-called scholars received great celebrity from individuals like Louis Farrakhan, Leonard Jeffries, and Khalid Abdul Muhammed who used the document to claim that Jews dominated both transatlantic and antebellum South slave trades. As Saul Friedman definitively documents in Jews and the American Slave Trade, historical evidence suggests that Jews played a minimal role in the transatlantic, South American, Caribbean, and antebellum slave trades.
Jews and the American Slave Trade dissects the questionable historical technique employed in Secret Relationship, offers a detailed response to Farrakhan’s charges, and analyzes the impetus behind these charges. He begins with in-depth discussion of the attitudes of ancient peoples, Africans, Arabs, and Jews toward slavery and explores the Jewish role hi colonial European economic life from the Age of Discovery tp Napoleon. His state-by-state analyses describe in detail the institution of slavery in North America from colonial New England to Louisiana. Friedman elucidates the role of American Jews toward the great nineteenth-century moral debate, the positions they took, and explains what shattered the alliance between these two vulnerable minority groups in America.
Rooted in incontrovertible historical evidence, provocative without being incendiary, Jews and the American Slave Trade demonstrates that the anti-slavery tradition rooted in the Old Testament translated into powerful prohibitions with respect to any involvement in the slave trade. This brilliant exploration will be of interest to scholars of modern Jewish history, African-American studies, American Jewish history, U.S. history, and minority studies.
The unique historical relationship between capitalism and the Jews is crucial to understanding modern European and Jewish history. But the subject has been addressed less often by mainstream historians than by anti-Semites or apologists. In this book Jerry Muller, a leading historian of capitalism, separates myth from reality to explain why the Jewish experience with capitalism has been so important and complex–and so ambivalent.
Drawing on economic, social, political, and intellectual history from medieval Europe through contemporary America and Israel, Capitalism and the Jews examines the ways in which thinking about capitalism and thinking about the Jews have gone hand in hand in European thought, and why anticapitalism and anti-Semitism have frequently been linked. The book explains why Jews have tended to be disproportionately successful in capitalist societies, but also why Jews have numbered among the fiercest anticapitalists and Communists. The book shows how the ancient idea that money was unproductive led from the stigmatization of usury and the Jews to the stigmatization of finance and, ultimately, in Marxism, the stigmatization of capitalism itself. Finally, the book traces how the traditional status of the Jews as a diasporic merchant minority both encouraged their economic success and made them particularly vulnerable to the ethnic nationalism of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
Providing a fresh look at an important but frequently misunderstood subject, Capitalism and the Jews will interest anyone who wants to understand the Jewish role in the development of capitalism, the role of capitalism in the modern fate of the Jews, or the ways in which the story of capitalism and the Jews has affected the history of Europe and beyond, from the medieval period to our own.
The Arab Lobby
The invisible alliance that undermines America”s interests in the Middle East
“After decades of hearing almost exclusively about the Israel lobby, Mitchell Bard finally provides the full story on the Arab lobby in this detailed, fast-moving, and fascinating study. He reveals the malign influence of an unpopular, hate-filled but well-financed campaign that goes back, surprisingly, to the 1930s and has been driven by Arab states, oil companies executives, State Department Arabists, and assorted antisemites.”
– Daniel Pipes
“Mitchell Bard has written an extraordinarily important book vital to our nation’s national security. Meticulously documented, “The Arab Lobby,” provides the most comprehensive account yet on the activities and influence of the Arab Lobby in the media, Congress, think tanks and even law enforcement. This is required reading for any American concerned with the safety of the United States. It will anger you, it will fascinate you and it will hopefully mobilize you. Dr. Bard has done us all a favor for his fastidious research in writing this amazing book.”
– Steven Emerson
The Clash of Civilizationa and the Remaking of World Order has become of the most infuential books of the new wartime era.” ~ Boston Globe
Bruce S. Thornton
The Wages of Appeasement
Ancient Athens, Munich and Obama’s America
“With wonderful skill as a historian and with remarkable economy, Bruce Thornton has written a fascinating and fightening account of the disasters probduced by the appeasement mentality.”~Donald Kadan, Yale University
Myths, Illusions, and Peace
Finding a new Direction for America in the Middle east
Dennis Ross and David Makovsky
“Ross and Makovsky are superb guides to the political bazaar known as the Middle East. Myths, Illusions, and Peace sheds new light on old dilemmas at a moment when fresh approaches to the Middle East are urgently needed, widely desired, and genuinely possible. This is a book written to be appreciated by experts and novices alike.” –Madeleine K. Albright, U.S. Secretary of State, 1997-2001
“This compelling book is an insightful testament of the authors’ profound grasp of Middle East history and its development into today’s contemporary reality. By dispelling myths that have captivated too many for too long in our region and beyond its shores, they bring to their analysis much needed fresh focus and lucid thinking, a significant contribution to building a better future for all the peoples of the Middle East.” –Shimon Peres, president of Israel
CNN anchor Wolf Blitzer names Myths, Illusions, and Peace as one of five books to read this summer:
“This book is like an advanced course in Middle East politics. Whether you are an expert or not, you will learn a lot and gain fresh understanding about a range of difficult issues. Besides the many insights of the book, what emerges is that the authors share a belief in Middle East peace.”–Abdul Rahman Al-Rashed, Head of Al-Arabiya Arab Satellite Television Network
“I rely on the work of Dennis Ross and David Makovsky for deep strategic thinking. I value their research and analysis. I consider their work a national treasure of the United States.”–Lt. Gen. Keith W. Dayton, United States Security Coordinator for Israel and the Palestinian Authority
A God Who Hates
The courageous woman Who Inflamed the Muslim world speaks out against the evils of Islam.
Ayaan Hirsi Ali
From Islam of America, A personal journey through the clash of civilizations.
Inside the Secret Underworld That’s Conspiring to Islamize America
P.David Gaubatz and Paul Sperry
You’ve heard about the courageous young investigators who covertly videotaped officials of ACORN advocating illegal activities. Now, get ready for an undercover exposÃ© even more daring: a six-month penetration of the Washington-based Council on American-Islamic Relations that resulted in the collection of thousands of pages of smoking-gun documents from this terror-supporting front group for the dangerous, mob-like Muslim Brotherhood. This is what Muslim Mafia delivers. It has all the elements of a top-flight mystery novel, but the situations and conversations are real. The book’s frightening allegations are supported by more than 12,000 pages of confidential CAIR documents and hundreds of hours of video captured in an unprecedented undercover operation. This trail of information reveals the seditious and well-funded efforts of the Brotherhood under the nonprofit guise of CAIR to support the international jihad against the U.S. Follow intern Chris Gaubatz as he courageously gains the trust of CAIR’s inner sanctum, working undercover as a devoted convert to Islam, and blows the whistle on the entire factory fueling the wave of homegrown terrorism now plaguing America.